( FEB  10  1915 

THE  JONES  PHILIPPINE  BILL 


SPEECHES 

OF 

HON.  MANUEL  L.  QUEZON 

• RESIDENT  COMMISSIONER  FROM  THE  PHILIPPINES 
IN  THE 


HOUSE  OF  REPHESENTATIVES 


SEPTEMBER  2G-OCTOBER  14,  1914 


G9348— 11206 


WASHINGTON 

1914 


r 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

1.  The  Philippine  bill : A much-needed  piece  of  legislation 5 

2.  A holy  cause 8 

3.  The  Philippine  bill — 

Significance  of  the  bill  (see  also  “A  holy  cause,”  p.  8 ; 

“The  pledge  of  independence,”  p.  87) 17 

The  Filipino  people 18 

Public  school  during  the  Spanish  regime 18 

literacy  prior  to  American  occupation 19 

I’rivate  schools,  colleges,  and  universities  under  Spain 20 

American  public  schools 21 

Higher  instruction  of  to-day 22 

Present  literacy  estimated 23 

Filipino  appreciation  of  the  benefits  of  the  American 

regime 23 

The  ephemeral  Philippine  Republic  (see  also  “A  word  on 

Gen.  Aguinaldo,”  p.  46) 23 

Estimate  of  the  Philippine  Republic  by  an  American 

observer ; 29 

Progressive  tendencies  of  the  Philippine  Republic 29 

American  rule 30 

Two  prime  features  of  the  bill 31 

Main  changes  in  the  present  organic  act 31 

Necessity  of  increasing  the  powers  of  the  Philippine 

Goyernment 32 

Evidences  of  Filipino  capacity  for  self-government  (see 
also  “ The  successful  administration  of  Gov.  Harri- 
son,” p.  71) : 32 

Confirmation  of  appointments  (see  also  “ Confirmation 

of  appointments,”  p.  84) 39 

New  grant  of  franchise 40 

Government  of  the  non-Christian  tribes  (see  also  “ Gov- 
ernment of  the  non-Christian  tribes,”  p.  05) 40 

Practical  test  of  Filipino  capacity  offered  by  the  bill 41 

The  preamble 42 

Shall  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the 

people  perish  from  the  earth? 45 

4.  A word  on  Gen.  Aguinaldo 46 

5.  Freedom  of  religion 4.8 

0.  The  truth  about  “ slavery  ” in  the  Philippine  Islands 49-02 

Mr.  Worcester's  book  reviewed 00 

7.  Time  limit  to  presidential  veto  on  Philippine  legislation 62 

S.  Woman  suffrage 04 

9.  Government  of  the  non-Christian  tribes 05 

10.  The  successful  administration  of  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison 71 

11.  Confirmation  of  appointments 84 

12.  Salary  of  the  Governor  General 80 

13.  The  pledge  of  independence 87 

09348—14290  3 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/jonesphilippinebOOquez 


THE  JONES  PHILIPPINE  BILL. 


In  the  House  of  Representatives, 
SEPTEMBER  26,  1914. 

The  Philippine  Bill  a Much-Needed  Piece  of  Legislation. 

Mr.  Gaerett  of  Tennessee.  Mr.  Speaker,  I call  up  House  resolution 
GOC,  a privileged  resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Rules. 

The  Speaker.  The  Clerk  will  report  the  resolution. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows : 

“ House  resolution  GOG. 

“Resolved,  That  immediately  upon  the  adoption  of  this  resolution  the 
House  shall  resolve  itself  into  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on 
the  state  of  the  Union  for  the  consideration  of  H.  R.  18459,  “A  hill 
to  declare  the  purpose  of  the,  people  of  the  United  States  as  to  the 
future  political  status  of  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  to 
provide  a more  autonomous  government  for  those  islands.”  There  shall 
he  not  exceeding  eight  hours  of  general  debate,  one-half  to  be  controlled 
by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  .Tones]  and  one-half  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Iowa  [Mr.  Townee].  At  the  conclusion  of  the  general 
debate  the  bill  shall  be  read  for  amendment  under  the  flve-minute  rule, 
and  after  being  perfected  the  same  shall  be  reported  to  the  House  with 
such  recommendation  as  the  committee  may  make  ; whereupon  the  pre- 
vious question  shall  be  considered  as  ordered  upon  the  bill  and  all 
amendments  thereto  to  final  passage  without  intervening  motion  except 
one  motion  to  recommit.  All  members  speaking  upon  the  bill  or  amend- 
ments offered  thereto  shall  have  the  privilege  of  extending  their  remarks 
in  the  Record,  and  all  members  shall  have  the  right  to  print  remarks 
for  not  exceeding  five  legislative  days  : Provided,  That  all  debate  shall 
be  confined  to  the  subject  matter  of  the  bill.” 


Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Speaker,  if,  before  listening  to  the  re- 
marks offered  here  tliis  morning,  I had  not  already  lieen  certain 
that  the  passage  of  the  Philippine  bill  is  a matter  of  paramount 
importance  to  the  Filipino  people,  I should  now,  after  hearing 
those  remarks,  be  convinced  that  it  is  so.  This  bill,  aside  from 
its  aspect  as  an  expression  of  a definite  policy  looking  toward 
Philippine  independence,  contains  provisions  whereby  the 
Philippine  Government  will  be  enabled  hereafter  to  take  care  of 
itself  and  of  the  interests  of  the  Filipino  people  without  the 
necessity  of  constantly  appealing  to  Congress  whenever  impor- 
tant legislation  for  the  islands  is  needed.  My  experience  in 
Congress  during  four  years  of  continuous  service  in  this  body 
has  made  me  feel  that  the  greatest  handicap  to  the  proper 
advancement  of  the  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  Philippines  is 
the  lack  of  active  interest  on  the  part  of  this  body  in  matters 
pertaining  to  them.  That  I was  right  in  this  view  has  been 
fully  demonstrated  by  the  very  arguments  adduced  against  the 
immediate  consideration  of  this  bill.  I make  this  point,  Mr. 
Speaker,  not  in  any  spirit  of  criticism,  but  as  a mere  statement 
of  fact.  I fully  realize  how  the  Members  of  the  Congress  might 
feel  that  questions  affecting  directly  the  American  people  are 
of  more  importance  and  demand  more  immediate  attention 
C0348— 14208  6 


6 


than  (hose  directly  affecting  the  people  of  the  Philippines. 
But  while  due  allowance  should  be  made  for  tliis  point  of  view, 
such  difficulty  in  securing  prompt  consideration  of  our  needs 
by  the  Congress  is,  nevertheless,  injurious  to  the  interests  of 
the  Philippine  Islands,  and  it  shows  how  seriously  ample  legis- 
lative powers  are  needed  by  the  Philippine  Government  that  it 
may  not  be  dei)eudeut  upon  a body  that  is  primarily  coneernetl 
with  other  interests. 

Mr.  Speaker,  we  are  told  by  those  who  are  opposing  this  rule 
that  the  Philippine  bill  should  not  have  the  right  of  way  over 
the  other  bills  on  the  calendar,  because  the  former  is  of  less 
importance  to  the  American  people  than  the  latter.  The  radium 
bill  has  been  particularly  cited  as  of  more  immediate  concern 
to  the  United  States.  Such  assertions  have  been  made  in  the 
face  and  in  spite  of  the  statement  of  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Insular  Affairs  [Mr.  Jones]  that  the  Philippine  bill  is 
a measure  necessitated  by  the  fact  that  the  Philippine  Gov- 
ernment finds  itself  facing  a very  serious  crisis  because  of  the 
European  war,  without  having  means  to  meet  that  crisis.  The 
gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  .Tones]  has,  in  effect,  stated  that 
you  would  either  have  to  present  the  Philippine  Government  with 
the  money  it  needs  for  its  own  maintenance  or  allow  that  Gov- 
ment  to  raise  the  required  money  by  granting  it.  as  provided  for 
in  this  bili,  the  powers  to  that  end,  or  eise  see  Uiat  Government 
go  into  the  hands  of  a receiver.  I can  assure  the  committee  that, 
sad  as  it  is,  the  a.ssertion  of  the  gentleman  fi'om  Virginia  states 
but  the  bare  facts.  The  gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Towner] 
assures  us  that  the  Congress,  without  enacting  this  bill,  might 
pass  for  the  Philippine  Government  such  independent  measures 
as  will  relieve  it  of  its  embarrassments.  That  may  be  true; 
but  would  Congress  take  such  a step  if  this  rule  should  be 
defeated?  If  we  should  fail  to  secure  action  on  the  Philippine 
bill,  which,  because  of  the  policy  it  establishes  regarding  the 
future  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  Phiiippiue 
Isiands,  direct^'  affects  the  interests  not  only  of  the  Filipino 
l>eop!e  but  of  the  American  people  as  well,  though  ])erhaps  not 
in  so  apparent  a manner,  how  can  anyone  convince  himself  that 
a bill  of  a purely  local  application  affecting  the  Filipino  people 
exclusively  would  gain  the  attention  of  the  Congress?  I,  for 
one,  do  not  believe  it. 

As  for  receiving  a monetary  present  from  the  United  States, 
Mr.  Speaker,  such  a gift  is  hardly  to  be  expected.  More,  if 
you  were  to  ask  me  which  I should  prefer — the  granting  of 
power  to  the  Philippine  Government  which  would  help  it  to 
help  itself  by  levying  upon  the  Filipino  people  additional  taxes 
with  which  to  meet  its  financial  obligations,  or  a monetary 
i re.sent  from  the  American  people,  I should  unhesitiitingly 
answer  that  I would  prefer  that  power  to  the  proposed  present. 
AVhy?  Simply  because  people  who  want  to  be  free  ought  to  be 
willing  to  assume  ihe  burden  of  self-government.  [Applause.] 
In  no  better  way  could  the  Filipino  people  show  that  they  are 
entitled  to  be  free  than  by  being  willing  to  meet  their  own 
troubles  instead  of  accepting  a charity.  I can  assure  the  House 
that  this  dignified  attitude  is  the  one  that  my  people  desire  to 
take.  [Applause.]  • * * 

60348—11206 


7 


Mr.  Speaker,  there  are,  besides,  other  and  perhaps  even  more 
forceful  reasons  why  this  bill  should  now  be  considered.  The 
United  States  have  been  in  control  of  the  Philippine  Islands 
since  1898.  In  1902  there  was  enactecl  a law  entitled  “An  act 
temporarily  to  provide  for  the  government  of  the  Philippine 
Islands.”  The  very  title  of  this  act  is  an  announcement  that  no 
definite  policy  regarding  the  Philippines  was  thereby  deter- 
mined, unless  by  implication  drawn  from  some  of  the  sections 
contained  in  that  act.  Twelve  years  have  now  elapsed  since  the 
passage  of  the  measure.  It  is  well-nigh  time  therefore  that 
some  concrete  and  clear  definition  of  your  Philippine  policy  be 
afforded. 

Mr.  Speaker,  nothing  imposes  a greater  handicap  upon  the 
proper  advancement  of  the  Filipino  people  than  this  lack  of 
definite  policy  authoritatively  stated — that  is  to  say,  by  the  Con- 
gress. We  do  not  now  possess  that  peace  of  mind  so  essential 
to  our  happiness ; the  country  suffers  from  a constant  political 
a.gitation  that,  if  it  does  not  paralyze,  at  least  interferes  with 
the  even  course  of  our  material  and  intellectual  development. 
And  this  intense  agitation  will  never  abate  imtil  we  are  assured, 
as  the  Philippine  bill  does  assure  us,  that  we  may  look  forward 
to  the  day  when  independence  shall  be  granted.  Again,  if  I may 
be  permitted  to  make  the  suggestion,  the  Congress  is  bound  to 
settle  this  question  not  only  as  a matter  of  plain  duty  to  the 
Filipino  people  but  because  the  American  public  should  be 
notified  whether  their  representatives  have  chosen  to  follow  the 
imperialistic  policies  of  the  Old  World  or  have  decided  to 
stand  by  the  time-honored  American  policy — that  of  equal  rights 
and  equal  opportunities  between  small  and  large  countries. 
This  is  a duty,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  every  Member  of  this  House, 
regardless  of  his  political  affiliation,  is  bound  to  discharge. 
As  for  the  members  of  the  majority,  they  are  by  virtue  of  their 
platform,  particularly  bound  to  consider  and  to  pass  the  Philip- 
pine bill  at  once. 

The  Democratic  Party  has  already  enacted  several  measures 
fulfilling  certain  of  its  preelection  promises.  Among  these  are 
the  tariff,  the  currency,  the  antitrust  bills — all  now  on  the 
statute  books.  There  remains  unredeemed  the  platform  pledge 
that  the  Democratic  Party  “ favors  an  immediate  declaration  of 
the  Nation’s  purpose  to  grant  the  Philippines  their  independence 
as  soon  as  a stable  government  shall  have  been  established  in 
the  islands.”  The  Democratic  Party  has  been  long  enough  in 
power  to  forbid  further  postponement  of  that  declaration. 
From  the  standpoint  of  the  Filipino  people  this  congressional 
declaration  should  have  preceded  all  other  legislation;  but 
seeing  that  the  Democratic  Party  might  believe  that  its  prime 
obligation  was  to  enact  laws  affecting  its  domestic  obligations, 
we  silently  awaited  our  turn.  Should  this  session  end  without 
action  in  at  least  one  House  of  the  Congress  regarding  the 
Philippine  bill,  or  should  this  Congress  go  out  of  existence  with- 
out such  a bill  becoming  law,  the  disappointment  of  the  Filipino 
people  will  know  no  limits. 

Mr.  Speaker,  opponents  of  this  rule  say  that  this  is  not  the 
time  to  consider  the  Philipi)ine  bill  because  of  the  European 
W’ar.  Were  this  bill  to  grant  Philippine  independence,  .such  an 
C9348— 1420G 


8 


argument  might  have  great  weight,  since  troublesome  days — 
days  when  the  passions  of  men  seem  to  have  run  beyond  con- 
trol— are  not  the  opportune  time  for  the  launching  of  a feeble 
nation  upon  its  earliest  career.  But  the  Philippine  bill  simply 
establishes  a more  autonomous  government  for  the  islands 
and  informs  the  whole  world  that  the  Filipino  people  are 
not  to  be  forever  under  the  control  of  the  United  States. 
I say,  Air.  Speaker,  that  precisely  because  the  bill  does  this 
it  should  now  be  pas.sed.  The  present,  owing  to  the  war, 
is  the  psychological  time  to  enact  .such  a measure.  I have 
already  stated  why  the  Philippine  Government  must  have  at 
this  juncture  a nearer  approach  to  autonomy  than  ever  before. 
It  needs  iwwers  to  save  itself  from  a threatening  disaster.  And 
for  a declaration  to  the  world  regarding  the  future  severance 
of  the  political  relationship  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Islands,  what  better  time  than  this,  when  other  nations,  though 
at  war,  are  making  similar  declarations?  [Applause.] 


MONDAY,  SEPTEMBER  28,  1914. 

A Holy  Cause. 

Mr.  Miller  satd  : The  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Jon'es].  in  a 
most  remarkable  statement  last  Saturday  and  somewhat  further  to-day. 
claims  that  this  bill  is  desired  by  the  Klipino  people  ; that  they  want 
this  bill.  • • * 

I want  to  introduce  the  membership  of  the  House  to  some  of  the 
yearnings  on  the  part  of  the  Filipino  people  for  this  bill.  I am  going  to 
read  to  you  an  account  of  some  meetings  called  in  the  Philippine  Islands 
the  minute  they  heard  about  this  bill  and  what  it  provided.  • * • 

There  were  many  of  these  meetings  where  there  were  thousands  and 
thousands  present,  protesting  in  the  strongest  language  against  the 
Jones  bill.  • • • 

That  was  a meeting  called  by  the  friends  of  Senor  Quezon  and  Seiior 
E.\rxshaw  that  Senor  Earnsuaw  might  have  himself  a favorable  oppor- 
tunity for  presenting  the  terms  of  this  bill  and,  if  possible,  to  get  the 
Filipino  people  to  like  it.  • * • 

Air.  QUEZON.  Air.  Chairman,  I shall  not  now  discuss  the 
merits  of  the  pending  bill  except  perhaps  incidentally,  and  only 
as  such  discussion  may  be  required  for  the  proper  understanding 
of  what  I intend  to  say.  I wish  to  address  myself  to  some  of 
the  remarks  just  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Alinnesota  [Air. 
AIilleb]  iu  his  elaborate  and  eloquent  speech,  which  I could  not 
fail  to  admire,  however  much  I might  disagree  with  him. 

The  gentleman  from  AIinne.sota  [Air.  AIilleb]  said  that  the 
Filipino  people  are  against  this  bill,  so  much  so  that  at  a great 
meeting  held  in  Alanila  at  the  instance  of  friends  of  my  col- 
league [Air.  E.arnsii.aw ] , and  myself,  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
Air.  Eaetn'siiaw  a favorable  opportunity  to  present  this  bill  and, 
if  possible,  to  get  the  Filipino  people  to  approve  it,  there  was 
almost  a riot  bcause  the  immense  majority  of  the  people  gath- 
ered at  that  meeting  insisted  that  iu  the  resolution  or  vote  of 
confidence  in  ftivor  of  the  Resident  Commissioners  which  was  at 
the  time  presented  there  a provision  be  included  instructing 
the  Resident  Commissioners  to  urge  the  Congress  to  set  a fixed 
date  at  which  independence  should  be  granted.  To  an  accom- 
paniment of  cheers,  says  the  gentleman  from  Alinnesota,  this 
last  provision  was  attached  to  and  became  a part  of  the  resolu- 
tion as  finally  adopted  by  the  meeting.  Aly  friend  from  Alinne- 
sota rend  to  us  some  newspaper  accounts  of  that  meeting,  as 
C9348— 1429G 


9 


well  as  some  comments  referring  to  this  bill  as  affecting  or 
surely  to  affect  the  future  of  the  political  party  to  which  I am 
proud  to  belong.  Among  these  comments  I particularly  noticed 
the  prediction  that  the  absence  from  the  bill  of  a fixed  date  for 
the  granting  of  independence  will  bring  about  the  death  sen- 
tence of  the  Nationalist  Party — my  party. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I thank  my  friend  from  Minnesota  [Mr. 
Miller]  for  the  courteous  expression  of  his  hope  that  that 
prediction  might  not  prove  true.  I want  to  tell  the  gentleman, 
however — and  this  comes  from  the  very  bottom  of  mj^  heart — 
that  if  the  enactment  of  this  bill,  meaning  as  it  will  the 
authoritative  recognition  of  the  inherent  right  of  the  Filipino 
people  to  be  independent  and  the  solemn  declaration  that 
they  shall  be  granted  that  independence;  that  thereafter  the 
Filipino  people  shall  have  the  power,  as  it  is  their  right,  to  say 
what  must  and  what  must  not  be  done  in  their  country ; that  the 
happy  end  of  a foreign  oligarchical  government  in  the  Philip- 
pines shall  arrive;  that  the  Filipinos  shall  no  longer  be  consid- 
ered the  least  and  the  last  factor  in  the  counsels  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Philippine  Islands,  nor  ignored  by  those  who  are 
but  their  guests ; if,  I say,  the  enactment  of  this  bill  and  it.s 
conversion  into  law,  with  all  and  more  than  all  this  wealth  of 
significance,  shall  prove  to  be  the  death  sentence  of  the  Nation- 
alist Party — much  as  I love  my  party,  to  which  I have  belonged 
ever  since  it  was  founded;  much  as  I care  for  the  political 
fortune  of  my  comrades,  many  of  whom  are  the  dearest  friends 
I have;  much  as  I value  my  own  interests,  which  would  go 
down  into  oblivion  together  with  both  my  party  and  my  com- 
rades— I emphatically  say,  let  that  death  come  when  it  will. 
I welcome  it.  For,  over  and  above  my  party,  over  and  above 
my  comrades,  over  and  above  myself,  I love  my  people,  their 
welfare  and  their  rights.  [Applause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

Ah,  Mr.  Chairman,  I have  already  staked  too  much  in  this 
noble  task  to  which  I have  consecrated  my  life  to  permit  myself 
to  hesitate  as  to  my  course,  now  that  the  goal  is  within  sight, 
whether  for  partisan  or  for  other  selfish  considerations.  I 
took  the  field  when  little  more  than  a mere  boy,  suffering 
hunger,  fatigue,  and  every  kind  of  privation,  and  exposing  mj’- 
self  in  man.v  a battle;  I have  been  for  six  mouths  confined  as 
a prisoner  of  war ; I have  been  for  a long  time  a sick  man  as  a 
result  of  the  miserable  life  I led  in  the  mountains  during  those 
years  that  I was  a soldier.  Later  I have  carried  on  a campaign 
in  this  country  with  tongue  and  jien.  All  this  I have  done  that 
I might  see  my  native  land  made  the  arbiter  of  its  own  des- 
tinies; and  now,  when  the  great  onward  step  toward  the  realiza- 
tion of  my  ambition  is  to  be  taken,  should  I be  so  cowardly,  so 
faint-hearted,  so  false  to  myself  as  to  withdraw  for  party’s 
sake?  No,  never ! 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  work  wherein  I am  engaged,  together 
with  the  membership  of  my  party,  is  not  a political  affair.  To 
the  rank  and  file  of  my  party,  to  its  leaders — and  in  speaking 
of  these  leaders  I can  not  refrain  from  mentioning  bj'  name 
the  foremost  of  tliem  all,  the  patriotic,  the  industrious,  the 
brilliant  man  to  whom  more  than  to  anyone  else  the  National- 
ist Party  owes  its  success.  Speaker  Osmena,  of  the  assembly— 
to  them  and  to  me  this  work  is  not  a political  enterprise,  in  the 
common  sense  of  that  term.  It  is  a patriotic  undertaking,  that 
69348—14296 


10 


affects  our  national  honor,  our  national  rights — indeed,  our 
very  national  life.  It  is  the  question  of  all  questions.  It  is  a 
cause — a great,  holy  cause.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  must  we  go  down  to  defeat?  Must  we  go  out 
of  office?  If  we  must,  so  as  to  secure  at  this  time  more  govern- 
mental powers  and  more  liberty  for  our  people  than  they  now 
enjoy,  then  we  shall  willingly  go  down  to  defeat,  we  shall 
gladly  go  out  of  office.  Must  the  party  which  alone  stood  by 
the  people  through  thick  and  thin,  in  the  hours  of  trial,  of 
tribulation,  of  danger,  be  rent  asunder?  If  it  must  be,  so  that 
we  may  obtain  a solemn  promise  that  the  ideal  for  which  that 
party  is  fighting — the  independence  of  the  Philippines — shall  be 
realized,  then  let  that  party  be  destroyed.  After  all,  when  this 
bill  shall  have  been  passed,  the  Filipino  people  can  well  afford 
to  dispense  with  the  services  of  the  Nationalist  Party,  because 
while  independence  will  not  yet  have  been  granted,  its  con- 
summation will  nevertheless  have  been  assured.  It  would  be 
only  a matter  of  time  and  dependent  solely  upon  the  Filipino 
people  themselves.  After  this  bill  shall  have  been  passed,  it 
would  be  an  easy,  perhaps,  a profitable,  effort  to  bring  about  the 
actual  declaration  of  Philippine  independence.  Thereafter,  men 
of  proven  pati'iotism,  who  could  be  induced  neither  by  fear  nor 
cupidity  to  beti'ay  the  legacy  of  our  martyrs,  will  not  be  needed. 
Others  who  in  easy  and  comfortable  times  respond  to  the  call 
of  their  country  may  then  serve  the  public  need  as  well. 

5Ir.  Chairman,  the  allurements  of  public  office  are  not  so 
strong  as  to  be  irresistible.  Men  can  live  without  being  listed 
on  a pay  roll.  In  fact,  it  often  happens  that  those  who  have 
some  capacity  and  some  desire  to  work  would  be  better  off,  both 
economically  and  otherwise,  if  engaged  in  private  pursuits. 

The  Nationalist  Party  does  not  care  for  power  or  for  offices, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  many  of  its  members  would 
not  take,  in  the  beginning  of  American  occupation,  positions 
offered  to  them  by  the  American  Government.  The  Nation- 
alist Party . has  entered  the  political  arena  for  a purpose 
nobler  and  higher  than  that  of  gaining  power  and  drawing 
salaries  for  its  members.  It  is  in  the  political  arena  be- 
cause at  one  time — in  days  that  tried  men's  souls — there  was 
offered  to  the  world  the  sad  but  not  unprecedented  spectacle  of 
a handful  of  Filipinos  filling  the  Government  positions  in  the 
islands  uho  joined  our  adversaries  in  the  claim  that  independ- 
ence was  neither  wanted  by  the  Filipino  people  nor  should  be 
granted  them,  because  they  were  incapable  of  governing  them- 
selves. Squarely  and  fearlessly  to  face  this  untrue  and  unjust 
proposition,  the  Nationalist  Party  came  into  existence.  It  went 
I)ofore  the  people  with  the  cau.se  of  immediate  independence  as 
its  standard,  so  that  the  Filipino  electorate  might  at  the  polls 
choose  whether  the  lives  of  those  who  died  that  their  country 
might  live  should  have  been  wasted.  It  sought  for  its  members 
the  elective  ollices  of  the  Philippine  Government  so  that  it 
might  show  through  them  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self- 
government.  Thus  to  secure  these  offices  was  for  that  party  a 
nece.ssary  means  to  a noble  end.  The  Filipino  people  in  every 
popular  election  spoke  their  mind  aud  (heir  feeling.  Theirs  was 
the  ideal  of  the  Nationalist  Party.  This  question  decided,  the 
party  labored  for  the  realization  of  that  ideal.  Its  members 
when  in  office  gave  eloquent  testimony  of  the  capacity  of  the 
G0348— 11200 


11 


Filipino  people.  In  the  municipal  and  provincial  governments 
they  proved  to  be  equal  to  their  tasks.  In  the  Philippine 
Assembly  first,  and  later  in  the  Philippine  Commission,  they 
demonstrated  by  their  wisdom,  by  their  devotion  to  duty,  by 
their  unselfishness,  that  the  Filipino  people  actually  are  ca- 
pable of  governing  themselves ; and  while  this  demonstration 
was  thus  being  made,  the  party,  through  its  own  memorials, 
through  assembly  resolutions  adopted  by  the  votes  of  Nation- 
alist members,  and  through  the  personal  representations  of  the 
Nationalist  Resident  Commissioner,  urged  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  to  grant  the  Philippine  Islands  immediate  inde- 
pendence. 

The  Nationalist  Party  has  kept  faith  with  the  people;  it  has 
done  its  duty  and  its  best  to  promote  their  cause.  And  it  is 
now  discharging  that  duty  and  doing  its  best  to  promote  that 
cause  by  indorsing  this  bill. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I wish  I could  have  been  spared  the  neces- 
sity of  singling  out  any  one  political  party  in  the  Philippine 
Islands  upon  the  floor  of  this  House.  I am  here,  though  a 
Nationalist,  as  the  representative  of  all  the  Filipino  people. 
It  has  been  my  honor  to  receive  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Philippine  Assembly  regardless  of  their  political 
affiliations,  and  in  return  for  that  honor  I have  invariably 
represented  the  interests  of  my  people  at  large,  and  never, 
since  I have  been  Resident  Commissioner,  have  I ever  done  or 
said  anything  in  this  country  for  the  advancement  of  the  in- 
terests of  my  party.  The  remarks  of  the  gentleman  from  Min- 
nesota [Mr.  Mili.ek],  however,  have  compelled  me  to  defend  my 
comrades  and  associates,  as  it  was  my  obvious  duty  to  do  so, 
because  they  have  been  very  loyal  to  their  constituency.  Sir, 
without  fear  of  successful  contradiction,  I say  here  that  the 
Nationalist  Party  in  the  Philippine  Islands  has  been  the  faith- 
ful guardian  of  the  ideals  of  our  people,  and  the  loyal  advocate 
of  their  rights. 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  true  that  the  meeting  alluded  to  by  my 
friend  from  Minnesota  did  take  place  in  Manila,  and  that 
thousands  of  people  participated  in  that  meeting.  It  is  also  true 
that  the  sentiment  of  the  majority  in  that  meeting  was  very 
strongly  against  this  bill.  I have  given  my  word,  and  I am  now 
redeeming  it,  that  I should  inform  the  Congress  as  to  their 
attitude.  But  this  is  all  I am  ready  to  do  in  deference  to  them. 
I shall  not  oppose  this  bill.  I should  have  preferred  the  former 
Jones  bill,  which  contained  a fixed  date  when  independence  was 
to  be  granted,  and  the  Filipino  people  would  have  preferred 
that  bill.  In  fact,  I did  everything  in  my  power  to  have  that 
bill  reintroduced  and  enacted.  I did  more  than  that — I submitted 
to  some  of  the  powers  that  be  the  proposal  that  Speaker  Osmeua, 
in  consultation  with  the  leaders  of  our  party,  both  in  and  out 
the  assembly,  had  in  mind  as  the  best  measure  for  Philip- 
pine independence.  I could  do  no  more.  Is  it  desired  that, 
having  failed  in  that  effort,  I should,  rather  than  accept  this 
bill,  suffer  the  old  order  of  things  to  continue  in  the  islands, 
so  that  if  another  President  of  the  United  States  should  be 
elected  and  should  deem  best  to  do  so,  he  could  reappoint  a 
majority  of  Americans  to  the  Philippine  Commission?  Is  it 
desired  that,  rather  than  accept  this  bill,  I should  allow  the 
Philippine  Commission  to  continue  in  existence,  with  the  ex- 
69348—14296 


12 


elusive  power  of  governing  one  portion  of  the  archipelago  and 
with  the  right  to  dispose,  of  its  own  free  will,  of  the  funds 
raised  from  the  Filipino  people  for  that  portion  of  the  country 
under  its  exclusive  jurisdiction?  Is  it  desired  that,  unable  to 
get  a promise  of  independence,  with  a fixed  date,  I should  let 
the  Congress  of  the  L’nited  States  stand  absolutely  noncom- 
mittal on  this  most  vital  question  affecting  the  future  of  my 
people?  No;  I could  not  do  that.  I will  not  do  that.  I should 
beti’uy  the  confidence  of  my  constituency.  I should  fail  in  my 
grave  task.  I should  not  discharge  an  imperative  duty.  More- 
over, I should  be  a traitor  were  I to  follow  such  a course;  and 
rather  than  do  any  of  these  things  I should  tear  to  pieces  my 
commision;  I should  resign  and,  with  a conscience  free  of  re- 
morse, retire  to  my  native  village. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I am  under  no  obligations  to  do  as  I am  bid 
by  the  Manila  meeting.  That  was  not  a national  convention. 
The  iiarticijiants  in  that  meeting  were  not  elected  by  the  people 
of  the  archipelago  to  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  approving  or 
disapproving  this  bill.  The  persons  therein  gathered  repre- 
sented but  themselves  and  expressed  but  their  own  personal 
opinion.  AVe  should  be  going  far  enough  if  we  consider  the 
resolution  adopted  in  that  meeting  as  an  expression  of  the  opin- 
ion of  the  people  of  the  city  of  Manila,  since  there  were  only 
between  five  and  six  thousand  people,  according  to  the  news- 
paper reports,  while  the  population  of  Manila  is  about  250,000 
inhabitants.  But  suppose  the  meeting  did  represent  the  opinion 
of  the  people  of  Manila,  is  there  anyone  bold  enough  to  assume 
that  Manila  constitutes  the  Philippine  Islands?  It  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  Manila  has  only  two  representatives  in  the 
national  assembly.  As  the  representative  of  the  Filipino  iieople 
I do  not  consider  it  my  duty  to  comply  with  instructions  com- 
ing from  any  particular  province  of  the  islands,  but  to  represent 
the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  Filipino  people.  And  this  I 
should  do  only  as  long  as  I could  represent  them  consist- 
ently with  my  own  personal  convictions.  Whenever  there 
should  be  a clashr  between  my  convictions  and  the  instruc- 
tions that  I receive  from  the  Filipino  people  I should  deem 
it  my  proper  course  in  such  a case  neither  to  misrepresent 
tho.se  of  whom  I am  but  the  representative  nor  to  misrepresent 
myself,  and  therefore  I should  resign  my  position  rather 
than  either  be  untrue  to  my  constituency  or  to  myself.  AVere 
it  a fact  that  the  majority  of  the  Filipino  people  were  against 
this  bill,  I,  as  their  representative,  could  not,  and  I should 
not,  have  advocated  this  bill.  But  I am  so  convinced  that 
its  enactment  into  law  is  to  the  interests  of  my  country  that 
sooner  than  obey  a mandate  of  my  constituency  to  oppose  it, 
when  my  firm  conviction  is  contrary  to  their  wishes,  I should 
have  given  them  the  opportunity  of  sending  here  another  Com- 
missioner. 

The  truth,  however,  is  that  the  immense  majority  of  the 
Filipino  people  are  for  this  bill.  They  have  taken  the  sensi- 
ble and  patriotic  view  that,  since  the  former  .Tones  bill  could  not 
now  be  enacted,  it  would  have  been  the  height  of  folly,  it  would  be 
a useless,  stupid  kind  of  political  suicide,  to  defeat  this  bill.  So 
they  have  instructed  me  to  support  it  and  to  do  all  I can  to  have  it 
passed.  Two  hundred  and  forty-seven  municipal  councils, 
four  assemblies  of  municipal  presidents,  eight  provincial  boards, 
seventy  mass  meetings,  and  the  executive  national  committee 
09^8—14:100 


13 


of  the  Nationalist  Party,  which  is  the  majority  party  in  the 
Philippines,  have  all  indorsed  this  bill,  while  only  the  meeting 
in  Manila  and  two  or  three  municipal  councils  are  against  it. 
In  compliance  with  these  instmctions,  therefore,  quite  as  truly 
as  in  accord  with  my  own  conviction,  I am  for  this  bill. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Milleb] 
said  that  he  believes  I have  kept  faith  with  my  people,  but 
that  he  knows  that  the  Democratic  Party  has  not  kept  faith 
with  me.  If  I may  say  so  myself,  I will  tell  the  gentleman  that 
I did  keep  faith  with  my  people.  Since  I first  tame  to  the 
United  States  as  a Resident  Commissioner,  with  the  mandate 
that  I work  for  the  immediate  independence  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  I have  done  everything  in  my  power  to  discharge  that 
duty.  With  my  hand  upon  my  heart  I feel  that  I can  lift  my 
head  and  say  I have  done  my  best  as  God  gave  me  the  light  to 
see  it  [Applause  on  the  Democratic  side.]  But  while  the  gen- 
tleman’s belief  about  me  is  true,  I am  not  prepared  to  admit 
that  what  he  says  he  knows  about  the  Democratic  Party’s  not 
keeping  faith  with  me  is  also  true. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I am  neither  a Democrat  nor  a Republican,  nor 
even  a Progres.sive.  The  Filipinos  take  no  sides  in  your  partisan 
differences.  My  words,  therefore,  on  behalf  of  the  Democratic 
Party,  which,  I am  sure,  the  party  does  not  need,  are  not  dic- 
tated by  a partisan  motive.  The  Democratic  Party,  considering 
all  the  circumstances,  has  kept  faith,  and  is  keeping  faith,  with 
the  Filipino  people.  Of  course  it  is  only  just  that  I should  say 
that  the  Democratic  Party  in  presenting  this  bill  is  doing 
neither  all  that  we  hope  and  expect  it  to  do  by  us  nor  as  much 
as  we  hoped  and  expected  it  would  do  at  this  juncture.  But 
when  it  is  remembered  that  we  are  not  Americans,  nor  a part 
of  the  American  electorate  and  how  often  preelection  promises 
are  forgotten,  both  the  administration  at  Washington  and  in 
the  islands,  as  well  as  the  Congress,  may  properly  claim  for 
what  they  have  done  and  now  propose  to  do  the  good  will  and 
the  gratitude  of  the  Filipino  people. 

In  so  far  as  the  administration  is  concerned,  I can  say  this: 
President  Wilson  has  not  been  fully  six  months  in  the  White 
House  when  he  appointed  as  Governor  General  for  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  a man  so  sympathetic  with  the  ideals  of  my 
people  and  so  deeply  interested  in  their  advancement  and 
welfare  that  he  is  now  idolized  by  them.  President  Wilson 
had  not  been  a full  seven  months  in  the  White  House  when 
he  announced  in  an  unmistakable  way  to  the  Filipino  peo- 
ple, in  a message  delivered  to  them  by  his  appointee,  the 
new  Governor  General,  his  policy  as  regards  the  Philippines. 
In  that  message  the  President  made  the  promise  that  as 
a first  step  toward  the  performance  of  his  policy  he  would 
place  in  the  hands  of  Filipinos  by  the  exercise  of  his  executive 
power  of  appointment  the  control  of  the  upper  house  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Legislature,  thus  giving  the  people  of  the  islands  all  the 
legislative  iiower  vested  in  their  government.  Hardly  one  month 
had  elapsed  since  that  promise  was  made  when  President  Wil- 
son appointed  a majority  of  Filipinos  in  the  Philippine  Com- 
mission. If  we  bear  in  mind  the  very  serious  and  delicate  ques- 
tions, both  foi’eign  and  domestic,  that  the  President  had  to  meet 
immediatelj'  upon  his  assumption  of  office,  we  shall  have  to 
admit  that  he  has  exceeded  what  reasonably  could  have  been 
expected  from  him  under  ordinary  circumstances. 

C0348— 14200 


14 


And  it  is  not  the  President  alone  who  has  thus  acted  toward 
tlie  Filipino  people  both  justly  and  with  so  manifest  a regard 
for  their  interests.  The  men  under  him,  through  whom  his 
announced  policy  is  being  carried  out,  are  acting  toward  the 
Filipino  i>eople  as  does  the  President.  The  Secretary  of  War, 
Hon.  Lindley  M.  Garrison,  in  everything  he  says  and  does 
shows  that  to  him  the  Philippine  question  is  a moral,  not  a par- 
tisan, question,  and  it  is  with  the  highest  of  motives  that  he 
deals  with  every  phase  of  that  question  that  goes  to  him  for 
solution. 

Gov.  Gen.  Harrison,  the  representative  of  this  administra- 
tion and  of  the  American  people  as  well  in  the  Philippine 
Islands,  has  already  done  too  much  to  promote  our  ideals  and 
our  welfare  to  need  any  comment. 

As  to  the  Congress,  we  have  now  here,  pending  before  the 
House  and  brought  forward  with  a special  rule,  this  bill — a bill 
that  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Tow:^er],  the  ranking  mem- 
ber of  the  minority  in  the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs,  de- 
nounces as  a partisan  measure,  because  it  has  a preamble  which 
is  a copy  of  the  Philippine  plank  of  the  Democratic  platform. 
If  we  remember  that  this  is  onlj  the  first  regular  session  of  the 
first  Congress  Democratic  in  both  branches,  and  if  we  further 
remember  that  there  were  many  important  measures  that  had 
to  be  speedily  passed,  as  demanded  by  the  American  people,  and 
others  still  pending  that  also  require  prompt  attention,  the 
leaders  of  the  Democratic  Party  in  Congress  may  properly 
say  that  they  are  promptly  redeeming  the  preelection  promises 
of  their  party.  This  bill  is,  indeed,  under  the  circumstances 
a strenuous  effort  to  comply  in  a timely  way  with  the  Philip- 
pine plank  of  the  Democratic  platform.  And  while  I am 
speaking  of  the  Congress,  it  is  my  pleasure  and  my  duty  to 
give  public  testimony  of  the  sincere  affection  and  love  that 
every  Filipino— man,  woman,  and  child — has  for  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs,  the  gentleman  from 
Virginia,  Hon.  William  Atkinson  Jones.  Mr.  Chairman,  the 
gentleman  from  I’irginia  has  served  on  the  Committee  on  In- 
sular Affairs  continuously  since  that  committee  was  organized, 
and  during  all  that  time,  first  as  the  ranking  minority  member 
of  that  committee  and  now  as  its  chairman,  he  has  unflinchingly 
stood  by  the  rights  of  the  Filipino  i>eople  and  defended  their  inter- 
ests both  in  and  out  of  season.  Every  municipality  and  Province 
of  the  Philippines  records  in  its  archives  a resolution  of  thanks, 
of  love,  for  Mr.  Jones,  and  Mr.  Jones  deserves  it.  I have  seen 
him  working  hard  on  his  former  bill.  I have  seen  him  this  very 
year,  when  he  knew  that  he  could  not  secure  the  passage  of 
that  bill,  drafting  the  present  bill,  ill  as  he  was,  and  doing 
everything  ho  could  to  urge  it  to  an  early  consideration.  Mr. 
Jones  has  indeed  endangered  his  own  health  in  his  endeavor 
to  have  his  party  redeem  its  pledges  in  the  interest  of  the 
Filipino  people.  And  I should  say,  in  passing,  that  the  mere  fact 
that  he  has  introduced  this  bill  instead  of  his  former  bill,  when 
I know  that  he  has  not  changed  his  opinion  about  the  points  at 
issue,  is  a conclusive  jiroof  that  this  bill  is  the  best  measure  we 
can  obtain  at  this  time,  that  it  has  genuine  intrinsic  merit,  and 
that,  therefore,  we  had  better  accept  it. 

Meedless  it  is  to  say  that  the  majority  members  of  the 
Insular  Committee,  in  particular  the  distinguished  gentleman 
C0348— 1429G 


15 


from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Gakeett],  have  all  actively  helped  their 
chairman. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I am  not  singing  the  glories  of  this  Democratic 
administration  and  of  this  Democratic  Congress  for  the  bene- 
fit of  Democratic  candidates.  My  words  on  this  occasion  will 
not  be  printed  in  the  Congeessional  Record  until  perhaps  a few 
days  prior  to  your  elections.  Indeed,  I do  not  believe  my  words 
could  change,  in  any  event,  even  a single  vote.  Neither  have 
I spoken  for  the  pui*pose  of  gaining  favor  with  the  party  in 
power.  I expect  nothing,  I want  nothing  for  myself,  from  the 
administration.  I deem  It  my  duty  to  make  these  statements 
because  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  Filipino  people  themselves  as 
much  as  to  that  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  that 
the  people  of  the  islands  shall  not  lose  their  faith  in  your  admin- 
inistration  and  in  your  Congress.  Mr.  Chairman,  I know  that  it 
is  a part  of  the  political  game  to  claim  for  oneself  all  the  credit 
and  to  blame  one’s  opponents  for  all  the  evil  in  the  world,  and 
it  is  but  natural  that  in  the  midst  of  an  electoral  campaign  the 
speakers  on  each  side  of  this  House  should  throw  stones  at  one 
another  on  every  occasion  that  may  arise.  But,  if  I may  be 
permitted  to  advance  a suggestion,  let  me  say,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  the  Philippine  bill  is  not  the  proper  opportunity  for  mak- 
ing these  campaign  speeches.  Every  speaker  should  bear  in 
mind  tliat  there  are  two  main  parties  to  this  question — the 
American  Government  and  people  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
Filipino  people  on  the  other.  What  you  say  about  yourselves 
will  not  be  read  in  the  Philippines  by  the  light  of  political  fire- 
works. It  will  be  taken  seriously  there;  very  seriously,  in- 
deed. 

If  yon  should  unguardedly  say  something  about  your 
parties,  your  administration,  and  your  Congress  that  would 
create  distrust,  lack  of  confidence,  on  the  part  of  the  Filipino 
people  in  your  Government  and  your  people,  your  already  difficult 
problem  in  the  Philippines  will  be  made  insoluble.  Mr.  Chairman, 
I am  earnest  in  my  desire  that  the  membership  of  this  House 
should  not  treat  the  Philippine  question  as  a partisan  question, 
because  their  words — though,  of  course,  we  who  are  familiar 
with  your  politics  all  know  that  those  words  are  not  meant  as 
they  sound — may  have  a very  bad  effect  in  the  Philippines.  1 
do  not  want  my  people  to  lose  or  to  slacken  their  confidence  in 
the  United  States  when  there  is  no  reason  therefor.  No 
party  in  the  United  States  has  any  base  design  to  betray  the 
Filipino  people ; no  party  would  do  it  if  it  could.  I have  several 
times  crossed  this  country  from  one  end  to  the  other;  I think 
I have  fairly  succeeded  in  my  efforts  to  learn  the  general  senti- 
ment of  the  American  people  regarding  the  Filipino  people;  I 
have  conversed  with  Americans  occupying  high  places  in  public 
life,  both  Republicans,  Democrats,  and  Progressives,  as  well  as 
with  i>ersons  in  private  pursuits;  I have  addi'essed  American 
audiences,  large  and  small,  on  the  subject  of  the  Philippines, 
and  my  observation  gives  me  the  right  to  say  that  the  feeling 
of  the  American  people  in  general  toward  the  Filipinos  is  one 
of  friendship,  of  real  interest  for  their  aspirations  and  for  their 
welfare.  There  is  no  question  in  my  mind  that  when  Americans 
say  that  tlie  Uniteil  States  in  dealing  with  the  Filipinos  is  im- 
bued solely  with  altruistic  purposes  or  motives,  their  statements 
truly  describe  the  situation.  Of  course,  this  does  not  mean  that 
there  may  not  be  some  Americans  here  and  there  who  have  self- 
69348— 1429C 


16 


ish  interests  and  who  are  influenced  by  selfish  purposes  in  con- 
nection with  the  islands.  I know  some  of  them  by  sight  and  by 
name;  but  these  are  few  and  the  exception  to  the  rule.  I 
have  been  serving  in  this  House  now  for  four  consecutive 
years,  first  under  a Republican  majority  and  now  under  Demo- 
cratic control.  I can  say  without  hesitation  that  the  mem- 
bership of  the  Congress — Republicans,  Democrats,  and  Progres- 
sives alike — are  as  friendly,  as  generous,  and  as  altruistic  in 
their  feeling  and  ideas  toward  the  Filipinos  as  are  the  Ameri- 
can people  at  large.  With  me  it  has  ^en  a question  of  find- 
ing out  who  among  you  are  in  the  highest  sense  our  friends, 
not  who  are  our  enemies.  I am  fully  convinced  that  such  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  as  exist  in  Congress  regarding  the 
kind  of  legislation  to  be  passed  for  the  Philippines  are  due 
solely  to  your  differences  of  opinion  as  to  what  is  best  for  the 
Filipinos  themselves  and  not  what  may  be  to  the  interest  of 
Americans  in  the  islands  or  of  the  United  States.  There  is, 
therefore,  no  cause  for  any  recrimination,  and  you  all  know  that 
there  is  none.  You  are  all  our  friends,  and  you  are  all  trying 
to  do  yonr  best  for  us. 

It  would  be  a tragedy,  and  the  main  losers  would  be  the 
Filipinos  themselves,  should  they  have  no  faith  in  this  great 
Nation.  Already,  as  I understand,  the  argument  advanced  in 
favor  of  a fixed  date  for  the  granting  of  independence  is  that 
without  it  the  Filipino  people  can  not  rest  assured  that  inde- 
pendence shall  be  granted. 

]\Ir.  Chairman,  I want  to  say  to  those  Filipinos  who  thus 
think,  and  who  because  of  these  arguments  are  not  disposed  to 
take  this  bili  which  contains  no  fixed  date  for  independence,  that 
the  redemption  of  the  pledge  to  grant  the  Philippines  in- 
dependence does  not  depend  on  the  detail  whether  there  is  or 
there  is  not  any  fixed  date  therefor.  The  redemption  of  that 
promise  will  depend  purely  and  exclusively  upon  the  good  faith 
of  the  American  people.  Should  the  American  people  be  un- 
willing to  redeem  a promise  made  to  us,  the  fixing  of  a date 
would  help  matters  in  no  respect.  Were  the  Filipino  people 
in  position  to  demand  by  force  the  performance  by  the  Ameri- 
can people  of  their  promises,  I should  say  that  a promise  with 
a fixed  date  for  its  completion  would  perhaps  be  better  than 
one  without  it,  for  we  should  then  know  when  the  day  of  reckon- 
ing would  begin.  But  as  we  are  powerless  to  enforce  the  re- 
demption of  the  promise  in  one  case  just  as  we  are  in  the  other, 
the  date  of  the  fulfillment  is,  from  this  point  of  view,  of  no, 
or  of  very  little,  consequence.  We  have  learned  through  the 
hardest  of  lessons  that  we  can  gain  nothing  by  force  from  the 
jieople  of  the  United  States,  and  it  is  well-nigh  time  that  we 
should  know  that  nothing  would  more  assuredly  defeat  our 
hopes  for  the  future  than  any  attempt  at  the  use  of  violence 
to  secure  the  recognition  of  our  independence.  We  are  abso- 
lutely at  the  mercy  of  this  powerful  Nation,  and  we  can 
only  appeal  to  the  sentiments  of  justice  and  fair  dealing  of 
the  .Vmerican  people  if  we  are  ever  to  reach  the  goal  of  our 
ambition.  Mr.  Chairman,  I wish  to  take  advantage  of  this  op- 
portunity to  give  in  all  earnestness  a word  of  advice  to  my  own 
countrymen.  They  should  have  faith  in  this  country,  and 
should  demonstrate  it  by  their  deeds  as  well  as  by  their  words. 
The  fixing  of  the  date  or  the  establishment  of  the  conditions 
G934S— 14200 


17 


for  tlie  granting  of  independence  is  a proposal  which  I favored 
in  the  former  Jones  bill.  I should  still  favor  it  now  were  it 
possible  to  embody  it  in  this  hill,  but  such  a provision  is  de- 
manded by  considerations  not  connected  in  any  way  with  the 
possibility  of  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  the  American  people. 
[A,pplause.] 


THURSDAY,  OCTOBER  1,  1914. 

The  Philippine  Bill. 

The  Speaker.  Under  the  special  rule  the  House  automatically  re- 
solves itself  into  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  for  the  further  consideration  of  House  bill  18459,  with  the  gentle- 
man from  Virginia  [Mr.  Flood]  in  the  chair. 

Thereupon  the  House  resolved  itself  into  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House  on  the  state  of  the  Union  for  the  further  consideration  of  the 
hill  (11.  R.  18450)  to  declare  the  purpose  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  as  to  the  future  political  status  of  the  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  and  to  provide  a more  autonomous  government  for  those 
islands,  with  Mr.  Flood  of  Virginia  in  the  chair. 

The  CmviRMAX.  The  House  is  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on 
the  state  of  the  Union  for  the  consideration  of  the  hill  II.  11.  18459, 
the  Philippine  bill,  of  which  the  Clerk  will  report  the  title. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows  ; 

“A  bill  (II.  I?.  18459)  to  declare  the  purpose  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  as  to  the  future  political  status  of  the  people  of  the 
Philippine  Islands,  and  to  provide  a more  autonomous  government  for 
those  islands.” 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  bill  we  are  now  discussing 
is  of  momentous  importance  to  10,000.000  people  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Pacific  Ocean;  it  affects  their  life,  their  property, 
their  welfare,  and,  what  is  more  vital  than  all  else,  their 
liberty.  The  action  of  the  Congress  upon  this  bill  will  deter- 
mine whether  the  long  struggle  for  freedom,  wherein  those 
people  have  been  engaged  with  untold  sacrifice  in  life  and 
wealth,  will  be  crowned  with  success  or  doomed  to  dishearten- 
ing failure 

The  bill  is  also  important  to  100,000,000  people  on  this  side  of 
the  Pacific:  it  puts  to  a test  the  foundations  of  their  national 
life  and  it  affects  their  national  duty  as  much  as  their  national 
honor. 

SIGXIFICAXCB  OF  THE  BILL. 

Let  no  man  upon  this  Coor  have  any  doubts  regarding  the 
nature  of  the  question  upon  which  he  is  to  vote.  In  its  last 
analysis  that  question  is  simply  this:  Will  you,  as  a Christian 
and  powerful  Nation,  do  to  another  Christian  but  weak  nation 
what  the  Golden  Rule  commands  you  to  do?  Will  j'ou,  as  the 
offspring  of  those  who  pledged  their  lives,  their  property,  and 
their  sacred  honor  to  the  enforcement  of  the  principle  that  all 
men  are  born  free  and  are  entitled  to  their  freedom,  and  that 
just  governments  derive  their  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed,  be  true  to  the  covenant  of  your  fathers?  Naj',  the 
question  involves  more  than  the  observance  or  disregard  of  a 
duty  imposed  by  general  or,  as  some  may  cynically  say,  out- 
worn principles.  The  question  is  whether  you  are  ready  to 
redeem  or  would  prefer  to  repudiate  concrete  and  recent  prom- 
ises, both  expressed  and  implied,  made  in  the  name  of  your 
faithful  and  honorable  Nation  to  the  people  of  the  Pldlippine 
Islands,  that  the  dawn  of  a glorious  day  .shall  come  when  full 
justice  will  he  done  them  and  when  every  opportunity  shall  be 
C9348— 14290 2 


18 


given  for  self-development  and  progress  under  tlie  auspices  of 
tlielr  own  free  and  independent  flag.  [Applause.] 

THE  rniLirnxE  islands. 

Jlr.  Cliairinan,  tbe  Philippines  are  an  archipelago  lying  be- 
tween latitudes  21°  and  40°  north  and  between  meridians  11G° 
and  127°  east  longitude.  On  these  islands  nature  has  bestowed 
with  generous  hand  and  in  harmonious  combination  her  riches 
and  her  beauties.  Millions  of  acres  of  agricultural  laud  capable 
of  growing  all  kinds  of  tropical  products;  forests  with  excellent 
woods  in  large  quantity  and  variety ; mines  of  gold  and  silver 
and  rich  deposits  of  lead,  iron,  and  petroleum ; glorious  sunsets, 
moonlight  and  stormy  ui.ghts,  cascades,  lakes,  valleys,  rivers, 
mountains,  volcanoes,  enchanting  inland  seas,  and  beautiful 
panoramas  make  this  land  the  “ Pearl  of  the  Orient.” 

This  is  the  country  which  in  the  daj-break  of  a beautiful 
May  morning  of  1898  witnessed  the  majestic  entrance  into 
Manila  Bay  of  a powerful  fleet  bearing  the  death  sentence  of 
Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

THE  FILIPINO  PEOPLE. 

This  country  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  the  dwelling,  the  home, 
of  a people  homogeneous  in  race,  one  in  religion — with  the 
exception  of  a proportionately  small  number  of  uncivilized  non- 
Christians — welded  together  into  a common  nationality  and 
united  in  a single  overmastering  ambition — to  be  free  and 
independent. 

These  people  had  then  been,  for  three  long  centuries,  subject 
to  the  civilizing  and  ennobling  influence  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Saviour,  which  they  had  espoused  and  which  taught  them  the 
equality  and  the  dignity  of  men.  Science,  arts,  and  letters 
were  then  familiar  subjects  among  the  leaders  of  that  people, 
as  public  instruction  was  already  within  reach  of  the  masses,  a 
large  percentage  of  whom  had  become  literate.  Social  life 
among  the  wealthy  and  highly  educated  class  was  similar  to 
that  of  the  corresponding  class  in  western  Europe,  except  that 
there  were  never  aristocratic  tendencies  among  the  wealthy  and 
educated  Filipinos.  An  ideal  home  with  mutual  devotion  be- 
tween husband  and  wife  and  between  parents  and  children 
constituted  the  solid  foundation  of  this  growing  community. 
The  hospitality  and  sobriety  of  these  i>eople  were  then,  as  they 
are  now,  among  their  most  conspicuous  characteristics,  just  as 
their  thirst  for  education  and  love  for  freedom  were  and  are 
their  greatest  national  ^-irtues. 

Such  were  the  iieople  who  a decade  and  a half  ago  fell  under 
the  sovereignly  of  the  United  States. 

PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  DUEING  THE  SPANISH  k£GIME. 

Mr.  Chairman,  tbe  foregoing  general  but  true  description  of 
the  Filipino  people  would  naturally  give  the  committee  an  idea 
as  to  their  education  iirevious  to  American  occupation  different 
from  and  opixisite  to  the  impression  that  the  remarks  of  the 
gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Miller]  made  the  other  day 
would  convey.  The  gentleman  from  Minnesota  in  the  course  of 
his  speech  said : 

When  the  American  flag  was  first  unfurled  in  that  part  of  the  globe 
there  was  no  adequate  system  of  public  instruction.  There  was  a 
“ paper  system  ” promulgated  by  the  Spanish  Government,  which  was 
never  put  into  effect. 

603-lS— 1429G 


19 


Then  lie  proceeded: 

If  you  could  rend  the  Licautifu!  reports  which  the  Governor  General 
sent  back  to  the  Cortes  of  Spain,  you  would  find  many  slowins  accounts 
of  the  schools  and  the  teachers  and  the  pupils,  but  the  teachers  and 
the  schools  and  the  juipils  had  little  physical  existence  outside  of  the 
imagination  of  the  man  who  penned  the  lines.  There  were  some- 
schools  back  a little  earlier  than  ISOS.  They  were  church  schools; 
there  were  no  public  schools,  however,  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Government  excepting  a limited  few, 

Mr.  Cbairmaii,  at  the  time  these  remarks  were  made  by  the 
gentleman  from  Minnesota  he  was  kind  enough  to  allow  me  to 
make  the  statement  that  there  were  public  schools  in  the  Philip- 
pines long  before  American  occupation,  and  that,  in  fact.  I was 
myself  educated  in  one  of  those  schools,  although  my  native 
town  is  a very  small  village  isolated  in  the  mountains  of  the 
northeastern  part  of  the  island  of  Luzon.  What  I then  said 
I now  reiterate. 

That  the  system  of  public  instruction  established  by  the 
Spanish  Government  was  far  less  efficient  than  the  system 
established  by  the  United  States  is,  of  course,  unqualitiedly 
true;  but  that  such  a system  was  to  be  found  only  on  “paper,” 
and  that  the  teachers  and  the  schools  and  the  pupils  had  little 
actual  existence  outside  of  the  “ imagination  ” of  the  man  who 
wrote  that  paper  is  very  "ude  of  the  mark. 

Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  early  as  the  year  1S6G,  when  the  total 
population  of  the  Philippine  Islands  was  only  4.411,201,  and 
when  the  total  number  of  municipalities  in  the  archipelago  was 
900,  the  number  of  public  schools  was  S41  for  boys  and  S33  for 
girls,  and  the  number  of  boys  attending  these  schools  was 
135,098  and  of  girls  95,200 ; and  these  schools  were  real  build- 
ings, and  the  pupils  alert,  intelligent,  living  human  beings.  In 
1892  the  number  of  schools  had  increased  to  2,137,  of  which 
1,087  wore  for  boys  and  1,050  for  girls.  I have  seen  with  my 
own  eyes  man.y  of  these  schools  and  thousands  of  these  pupils. 
They  were  not  “ chui’ch  schools,”  but  schools  created,  sup- 
ported, and  maintained  by  the  Government. 

How  real  these  schools  were  can  be  gathered  from  the  para- 
graph that  I shall  directly  read  from  the  Philippine  census — an 
American-made  document.  It  should  be  noted  that  to  a certain 
extent  the  census  shares  the  pessimistic  views  of  the  gentleman 
from  Minnesota  regarding  said  schools,  yet  it  admits  that  the 
schools  were  something  more  substantial  than  the  creatures  of  a 
prolific  imagination.  After  giving  the  number  of  schools  and 
pupils  as  I stated  them  and  depicting  the  deficiencies  of  that 
sj'stem  of  education,  the  census  makes  this  remarkable  ad- 
mission : 

Popular  instruction  attained  a more  than  average  advance,  evidently 
due  to  the  naturai  taient,  the  virtue  of  the  race,  and  its  precocity  and 
wiliin.gness  to  he  educated,  all  of  which  were  characteristic  and  com- 
mon qualities  of  young  Filipinos. 

How  could  any  advance  in  popular  instruction  have  been  pos- 
sible at  all  if  there  were  no  schools  and  no  teachers  and  no 
pupils? 

LITERACT  rniOR  TO  AMERICAN  OCCCPATION. 

There  is  still  another  evidence  of  the  existence  of  old  schools 
and  of  the  pupils  I have  described.  According  to  this  same  cen- 
sus, those  who  could  neither  read  nor  write  when  you  arrived 
at  Manila  were  only  55.5  per  cent  of  the  population  10  years  of 
0034S— 1420G 


20 


age  ami  over.  IIow  did  the  remaining  44.5  become  literate? 
By  intuition  perhap.s?  [Laughter.] 

I am  inclined  to  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  utterances 
of  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Miller]  upon  which  I 
have  connnented  were  more  or  less  rhetorical  figures  of  s[)eech. 
The  gentleman's  gift  as  a born  orator  does  not  seem  to  permit 
him  to  adhere  merely  to  bare,  cold  facts.  He  doubtless  meant  only 
to  convey  to  the  committee  a graphic  idea  of  the  unsatisfactory 
system  of  education  and  of  the  poor  quality  of  the  schools 
under  Spain  as  compared  with  the  system  and  the  sc-hools  we 
now  have.  If  so,  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  has  more  than 
a mere  excuse  for  his  statement;  he  has  a justification  in  fact. 
[Laughter  and  applause.] 

But  while  I could  thus  explain  the  seeming  inaccuracy  of  the 
gentleman  from  Minnesota,  I am  at  a loss  to  understand,  Mr. 
Chairman,  how  it  was  possible  for  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
[Mr.  Fess],  a distinguished  and  learned  professor,  as  I am  in- 
formed he  is,  to  make  upon  this  floor  the  amazing  remark  that 
to-day  85  per  cent  of  the  population  of  the  Philippines  can 
neither  read  nor  write! 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  figures  of  the  census  I have  already 
cited  regarding  persons  who  could  neither  read  nor  write  were 
55.5  per  cent,  or  30  per  cent  lower  than  the  figures  given  by  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio;  and,  further,  that  those  figures  of  the 
census  represented  the  degree  of  literacy  prior  to  1903,  while 
the  figures  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  refer  to  the  supposed 
illiteracy  in  this  year  of  grace  1914.  Is  it  possible  that  illiteracy 
in  the  Philippines  was  lower  before  American  schools  were  estab- 
lished there?  Have  we,  then,  retrograded?  Can  these  American 
schools  have  served  to  render  the  Filipino  people  more  illiterate 
than  before?  What  a humiliating  tale  would  that  be  for  the 
American  government  in  the  islands,  whose  beneficial  and  ui> 
lifting  influence  has  been  so  enthusiastically  described  by  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio  himself.  Fortunately  for  you  and  for 
us,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  for  the  common  glory  of  both  your 
teachers  and  our  youth,  such  is  not  the  case,  for  instead  of  going 
backward  we  have,  as  everybody  knows,  gone  onward  by  leaps 
and  bounds.  [Applause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

rniVATE  SCHOOLS,  COLLEGES,  AND  CNIVERSITT  UNDER  SPAIN. 

Mr.  Chairman,  returning  to  the  condition  of  education  during 
Si>anish  regime.  I have  shown  convincingly  to  the  most  skep- 
tical, I think,  that  there  were  public  schools  in  the  Philippines, 
though  not  half  as  good  or  as  numerous  as  the  schools  of 
to-day,  half  a century  before  American  occupation,  and  that 
those  schools  were  not  private  or  church  schools,  as  the  gentle- 
man from  5Iimiesota  would  have  us  believe.  It  is  absolutely 
true,  however,  that  besides  these  public  schools  there  were  also 
church  and  other  jirivate  schools,  as  there  were  colleges  and 
one  univer.sity  where  professional  training  was  given.  Some 
of  these  institutions  preceded  for  many  hundred  years  the 
estaldishment  of  Government  schools.  Founded  and  supported 
by  private  funds,  these  institutions  were  to  be  found  not  only 
in  JIanila  but  in  I he  Provinces  as  well.  The  more  impor- 
tant of  tlie  colleges  were  Santo  Tonu'i.s,  San  .Juan  de  Letn'in, 
Ateneo  ^lunicipal,  Escuela  Normal,  .San  Jose,  Escuela  NYiutica 
Xationa!,  Escuela  de  Coiitaduria.  Academia  de  I’intura  y 
Dibujo,  and  the  seminaries  in  Manila,  Nuevo  Segovia,  Cebu, 
Ct)34S— 1429G 


21 


Jaro,  and  Xneva  Caceres.  The  college  of  Santo  Tomas,  founded 
in  l.jlO,  was  converted  into  the  university  of  the  same  name 
in  16-15,  since  which  date  this  institution  of  learning  has 
given  to  the  scientific  world  distinguished  men  in  almost  every 
branch  of  science.  Bishops,  members  of  the  Spanish  Parliament, 
high  officers  in  the  Spanish  Army,  priests,  judges,  doctors  in  phi- 
losophy, in  medicine,  and  in  laws  are  to  be  found  in  the  long  list 
of  distinguished  pupils  of  this  ancient  alma  mater  of  the  Fili- 
pino youth.  Living  witnesses  to-day  of  the  efficiency  of  these 
colleges,  seminaries,  and  this  university  are  the  speaker  of  the 
Philippine  Assembly,  the  three  Filipino  members  of  the  insular 
supreme  court,  among  them  the  chief  justice,  who  was  honored 
hj'  the  University  of  Yale  with  the  degree  of  doctor  of  laws,  the 
Filipino  members  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  the  two  Filipino 
bishops  of  the  Eoman  Catholic  Church,  the  members  of  the 
Assemblj',  the  attorney  general,  the  Filipino  judges  of  the  courts 
of  flrst  instance,  the  provincial  fiscals  (prosecuting  attorneys), 
the  provincial  governors,  some  of  the  Filipino  treasurers,  and 
some  of  the  professors  in  the  government  university.  In  a word, 
almost  every  one  of  the  Filipino  officials  occupying  responsible 
and  important  positions  now  were  all  educated  at  those  centers, 
since  the  youth  educated  in  American  schools  have  not  as  j’et 
attained  the  maturity  to  occupy  such  positions. 

AIIEEIC.VN  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS. 

Mr.  Chairman,  enough  of  this  past  history.  Let  me  nov.'  come 
dov,-n  to  the  education  of  the  day.  I need  not,  I am  sure,  long  de- 
tain the  committee  on  this  subject,  for  there  are  few  things 
among  those  accomplished  in  the  Philippines  during  your  time  that 
have  been  so  widely  published  as  the  work  done  in  education. 
It  may  not  he  amiss,  however,  to  indicate  that  the  average  en- 
rollment for  the  last  10  years  of  our  public  .schools  has  been 
half  a million,  and  that  the  number  of  public  schools,  according 
to  the  latest  report  of  the  director  of  education,  is  4,304.  Plow 
much  these  schools  have  accomplished  can  be  gathered  from  the 
following  statement  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Insular 
Affairs  in  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War  of  March,  1013: 
“At  least  3.000.000  children  have  been  instructed  in  English,” 
said  Gen.  ilclntyre. 

There  is  a further  evidence  of  the  achievement  of  these 
schools.  M'hen  they  were  first  established  in  the  islands,  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  all  the  instruction  had  to  be  given  in  En.g- 
lish,  and  that  there  were  scarcely  any  Filipinos  who  knew  this 
language,  few,  if  any,  Filipinos  were  appointed  teachers.  To- 
day, of  the  total  of  9,483  teachers  teaching  English  8,825  are 
Fiiipinos.  I shall  pause  here,  l.Ir.  Chairman,  long  enough  to 
compare  the  statement  made  by  the  .gentleman  from  Minnesota 
as  to  the  capacity  of  the  Filipino  teacher  to  take  charge  of  a 
school  independent  of  any  American  supervision  with  that  re- 
cently made  liy  the  director  of  education. 

Let  me  read  what  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  said  in  his 
speech : 

I also  wanted  to  see  what  was  the  result  to  the  school  of  removln,g 
American  supervision.  So  1 traveled  and  I saw.  I found  that  wher- 
ever American  supervision  was  immediate,  was  direct,  was  there  on 
the  ground,  the  work  of  the  teacher  and  the  children  and  the  school 
was  etScient.  It  was  what  you  might  call  satisfactory.  The  spirit 
was  good.  The  morale  was  good.  Thin.gs  were  shipshape.  The  atmos- 
phere was  such  as  you  would  like  to  see  in  a school.  But,  without  a 
single  exception,  when  you  removed  that  immediate  supervision  and 
C934S— 1I29C 


22 


allowed  :i  seliool  in  cliarso  of  a Filipino  teacher  to  be  removed  and 
separated  and  to  exist  bj’  itself  the  decline  was  immediate  and  most 
disheartening. 

Oh,  I visited  so  many  of  the  schools  that  if  they  had  not  been  named 
“ schools  ” I would  never  have  known  that  they  were  schools,  because 
the  supervision  was  not  there,  eloquently  testifying  to  the  capacity  of 
the  Filipino  teachers  to  respond  to  the  ideas  that  they  see  and  to  the 
utmost  importance  of  the  supervision  and  direction  on  the  part  of  the 
American  supervising  force.  Tliis  does  not  mean  the  Filipino  teacher 
never  can  bo  self-reliant ; it  simply  means  that,  while  advancing,  he  has 
not  yet  reached  it. 

Contrast  with  this  the  words  of  the  director  of  education  in 
his  special  report  of  January  23,  1914 : 

It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  bureau  of  education  to  lay  an  increasing 
amount  of  responsibility  upon  the  Filipino  teacher.  As  a result,  where 
live  years  ago'  there  were  70  Filipino  and  390  American  supervising 
teachers,  there  are  to-day  124  icilipiuo  supervising  teachers  and  185 
American  Moreover,  there  are  a number  of  Filipinos  assigned  to 
work  which  is  at  least  equal  in  importance  and  responsibility  to  that 
of  the  supervising  teachers.  There  are  now  29  Filipino  provincial  in- 
dustrial supervisbr.s,  and  this  number  will  be  constantly  increased. 
There  are  at  present  120  intermediate  schools  with  Filipino  principals. 
Five  years  ago  there  were  208  Filipino  and  366  American  teachers  en- 
gaged in  intermediate  instruction.  At  the  present  time  there  are  430 
Filipinos  and  148  Americans.  Primary  instruction,  except  in  a very 
few  classes  where  special  work  is  being  carried  on,  is  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  Filipinos. 

It  would  not  be  far  from  the  truth  to  state  that  the  school  system 
as  it  existed  seven  years  ago,  wilh  the  exception  of  certain  administra- 
tive ofiicers,  has  been  almost  completely  I'ilipinized. 

]‘]videutly  the  director  of  education  would  uot  have  increased 
ami  would  not  coiiteuiiiiate  a further  increase  in  the  number  of 
Filipino  supervisors  if  such  a policy  resulted  in  defective  sei’v- 
ice.  And  it  is  also  eviilent  that  the  opinion  of  the  director  of 
education  is  more  authoritative  in  this  case  than  that  of  the 
gentleinau  from  iliuuesota,  for  the  director  of  education  has 
had  more  time  and  opportunity  to  Know  the  facts,  while  it 
has  been  his  daily  Inisiness  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  work 
of  the  Filipino  teachers. 

iiiGurn  ixsTRUCriox  op  to-day. 

Keepin.g  pace  with  the  marvelous  progress  in  the  number  and 
quality  of  our  public  schools  since  American  occupation,  private 
schools  and  collofics  have  also  increased  numerically,  so  that 
to-day  not  only  the  old  private  schools  and  the  institutions  of 
hi.gher  instruction  are  in  existence  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  but 
thousands  upon  thousands  of  new  private  .schools  and  .scores  of 
colleges  for  .girls  and  boys  and  one  more  university  sustained  h.y 
the  government,  every  one  filled  almost  to  its  full  capacity  with 
students,  are  to-day  being  carried  on. 

Ilefore  passing  lo  another  sub.ject  it  is  interesting  to  notice 
that  the  most  striking  feature  of  Filipino  life  to-day  is  the 
ardent  desire  for  education.  I .shall  quote,  because  it  expresses 
thj  consensus  of  opinion  on  the  sub,ject  in  the  most  concrete  and 
beautiful  way,  a few  paragraphs  of  a speech  made  by  Col.  Ilar- 
bord  Iiefore  the  I.ake  Mohonk  conference  in  1909.  Col.  Ilarbord, 
who  has  been  for  over  10  years  a colonel  of  constabulary  sta- 
tioned in  tho  Ph.ili[)i)ino.s,  said: 

No  sojourner  in  the  Philippines  can  fail  to  notice  the  intense  desire 
of  all  classes  of  the  people  for  education.  It  is  the  wish  of  which  he 
will  be  most  constantly  reminded.  Servants,  coachmen,  laborers,  hun- 
dreds of  them,  carry  little  phrase  books  of  short-language  methods 
and  are  eaincstly  striving  to  learn  Knglish.  * « * Public  money 

tor  education  is  one  appropriation  never  criticized  by  the  vernacular 
press  of  Manila.  Night  and  day  schools  are  well  attended,  and  in  some 
of  the  former  local  olficials,  overcoming  their  fear  of  ridicule  and  swal- 
lowing their  pride,  have  sat  beside  their  own  children  as  pupils  Icarn- 
693 18— 14296 


23 


ins  Enslis’i.  * • » Certainly  the  desire  for  education  is  one  of  the 

raovins  motives  of  Filipino  life  to-day.  Parents  make  the  most  complete 
sacrifices  to  send  their  children  to  school,  and  the  pupils  themselves 
endure  hunger  and  privation  to  secure  learning. 

rUESEXT  LITEIl.VCr  ESTIMATED. 

In  view  of  wliat  lias  been  said,  Mr.  Cbairman,  I think  I can 
safelj'  predict,  without  lieing  overojitiiuistic,  that  if  a new  cen.sns 
were  to  be  taken  to-day  among  the  Christian  po;inlation  tlia 
degree  of  illiteracy  will  be  found  to  have  fallen  to  15  or  20  per 
cent ; or,  in  other  words,  the  S5  per  cent  mentioned  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Ohio  will  not  represent  those  who  can  neither  read 
nor  write,  but  those  who  can  both  read  and  write. 

FIMPIXO  APrilECIATIOX  OF  THE  BENEFITS  OP  THE  AMERICAN  RfiGIME. 

Jlr.  Chairman,  I shall  not  take  up  more  time  of  the  committee 
in  discussing  the  merits  of  the  school  system  established  in  the 
islands  by  the  United  States.  The  rapidity  with  which  the  Eng- 
lish language  has  spread  throughout  -the  archipelago  and  the 
readiness  with  which  Filipinos  have  become  both  able  to  use 
that  language  and  able  also  to  teach  it  stand  as  an  eloquent  tes- 
timonial not  only  to  the  intellectual  capacity  of  the  Filipino 
people  but  also  to  the  efficiency  of  that  system,  as  well  as  to  the 
ability  and  devotion  to  duty  of  American  teachers,  both  men  and 
women,  who  have  done  so  much  and  so  v,-ell  by  the  Filipino 
youth.  God  bless  them.  We  shall  never  be  able  to  repay  their 
labors.  An  elaborate  discussion  of  that  .system  has  been  offered 
by  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Miller],  and,  with  the 
exception  of  the  statement  regarding  the  Filipino  supervising 
te.achers  to  which  I have  already  referred,  I can  substantially 
indorse  what  he  said. 

:S  * * * 

THE  EPHEMERAL  PHILIPPINE  P.EPCELIC. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I shall  now  turn  to  another  topic.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  there  has  been  constant — I had  almost  said  in- 
tentional— uiisrepre.sentation  of  the  ephemeral  Philippine  Itepub- 
lic.  its  objects,  and  its  achievements  since  the  day  when  its 
uphoiilers  and  framers  were  scattered  by  the  American  forces, 
I feel  it  incumbent  upon  me  on  this  occasion,  when  a new  era 
in  the  life  of  my  country  is  dawning,  to  refer,  however  briefly, 
to  that  great  and  immortal  event  in  the  history  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands. 

Prof.  Jorge  Bocobo,  of  the  Philippine  University,  in  his  re- 
cent historical  monograph  on  the  life  of  Felipe  G.  Calderon, 
affords  the  following  accurate  and  able  revieiv  of  the  facts 
regarding  the  first  Republic  of  the  Eastern  Hemisphere: 

On  September  15,  1893,  the  Philippine  Congress  met  at  Barasoain, 
Province  of  Bulacan,  composed  of  the  best  men  that  the  island  of 
Luzon  could  give.  .There  were  over  90  members,  of  whom  about  40 
were  lawyers,  1G  physleian.s,  5 pharmacists,  2 engineers,  and  1 priest. 
The  rest  were  merchants  and  farmers.  Jlany  of  the  representatives 
were  graduates  of  European  universities.  I’edro  A.  Paterno,  a lawyer, 
educated  in  Spain,  and  a distinguished  publicist,  was  the  president  of 
the  assembly.  On  Septcnihor  17,  I’aterno  delivered  a tlirilling  speech 
in  the  name  of  human  liberty.  Among  other  things  he  said: 

“ Filipinos,  to-day  begins  a new  era  ; we  are  beholding  the  political 
resurrection  of  our  people.  Amidst  the  glooms  of  yesterday,  amidst 
the  graves  of  our  heroes  and  martyrs,  amidst  the  ruins  of  the  past, 
there  arises  and  stands  the  refulgent  genius  of  liberty,  embracing  all 
the  islands  and  uniting  the  Filipinos  with  bonds  of  holy  brotherhood. 

“ Liberty  is  the  ideal  purpose  of  our  existence  on  earth,  the  founda- 
tion of  life  and  progress. 

“Our  past,  the  era  cf  cruelty,  of  deceit,  of  slavery,  has  ended.  We 
shall  renew  the  history  of  the  I’hilippines.  » * ♦ 

60348— 1429G 


24 


“ Filipinos,  proceed  ! Let  our  steps  be  unflinching  and  ever  forward  ; 
lot  tliem  be  steps  of  justice,  of  love,  of  harmony,  and  of  charity;  let 
us  win  the  sympathy  of  the  whole  world  with  generous  and  humani- 
tarian deeds;  and  let  us  write  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord,  of  the 
Supreme  Being,  the  oath  of  our  independence.” 

The  rules  of  the  Spanish  Cougress  were  temporarily  adopted.  Com- 
mittees were  immediately  created,  one  of  which  was  composed  of  l.S 
members,  most  of  whom  were  able  lawyers.  Calderon  likewise  formed 
a part  of  the  committee ; he  was  requested  to  draft  the  constitution. 
The  committee  reported  the  proposed  constitution,  through  Calderon, 
on  October  8,  1898.  The  discussion  of  its  articles  in  the  congress 
began  on  October  t’G  and  ended  November  29.  when  it  was  approved 
and  immediately  trans.mitted  to  Aguinaldo  for  promulgation,  which, 
however,  was  not  done  until  December  29  on  account  of  certain  amend- 
ments recommended  by  the  executive.  The  constitution  was  discussed 
article  by  article  in  17  meetings,  Calderon  strongly  defending  his  work 
from  the  attacks  made.  Among  those  who  were  prominent  in  the  de- 
bates were  Tomas  (J.  del  Uosario,  Arcadio  del  Rosario,  Joaquin  Gon- 
sialcs,  Ignacio  I'illamor,  Ambrosio  Rianzares  Bautista,  Alberta  Bar- 
retto,  Aguedo  Velarde,  and  I’ablo  Tecson  Roque. 

The  committee  reported  : 

The  work  which  the  committee  has  the  honor  to  submit  to  the 
consideration  of  the  congress  is  one  of  real  selection,  for  the  execution, 
of  which  this  committee  has  borne  in  mind  not  only  the  Freneh  con- 
stitution, which  has  been  made  the  basis,  but  also  those  of  Belgium, 
Mexico,  Brazil,  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  and  Guatemala,  because  these 
nations  are  believed  to  be  the  ones  most  similar  to  our  people.” 

The  first  representative  to  take  the  floor  was  Arcadio  del  Rosario, 
who  contended  that  the  work  of  the  committee  should  have  been 
molded  by  the  Constitution  of  the  American  Nation,  which.  “ being 
the  champion  of  liberty,  is  the  most  democratic  nation,  and  with  which 
the  Filipino  people  are  united  by  strong  ties  of  friendship  and  sym- 
pathy.” Calderon  rpplied  that  the  gratitude  which  the  Filipino  people 
owed  the  American  Nation  did  not  oblige  them  to  adopt  the  institu- 
tions of  the  latter,  taking  into  consideration  the  differences  in  their 
history,  usages,  and  customs,  and  that  the  country  was  most  akin, 
politically,  to  the  South  American  Republics  and  other  I.atin  nations. 
The  latter  opinion  prevailed  in  the  convention,  which  fact  does  not 
surprise  those  who  know  the  forces  that  lie  at  the  bottom  of  Filipino 
institutions,  and  upon  which  those  who  would  require  as  a condition 
l)iecedent  to  I’liilippine  independence  a form  of  government  patterned 
after  the  .\merican  Republic  should  seriously  reflect. 

The  constitution  established  a democratic  republic,  which  was  par- 
liamentary or  responsible,  unitary,  and  unicameral.  The  principle  of 
separation  of  powers  was  recognized,  although  the  legislative  branch 
was  supreme. 

The  preamble  was  formulated  in  the  following  terms  : 

” We,  the  representatives  of  the  Filipino  people,  legally  assembled 
to  establish  justice,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  gen- 
eral welfare  and  seeure  the  blessings  of  liberty,  imploring  the  aid  of 
the  Supreme  Legislator  of  the  Universe  in  order  to  attain  these  ends, 
have  voted  upon,  decreed,  and  sanctioned  the  following  political  con- 
stitution.” 

This  constitution  was  of  a temporary  nature,  as  the  people  had  not 
yet  elected  delegates  to  a constitutional  convention. 

rOLlTIC.U,  STATUS. 

Title  1,  headed  ‘‘  Of  the  Republic,”  contained  the  following  declara- 
tions : * 

••  The  political  association  of  all  Filipinos  constitutes  a nation,  whose 
State  shall  be  known  as  I’bilippine  Republic. 

••  The  riiilippine  Uepublie  is  free  and  independent. 

” Sovereignts'  resides  exclusively  in  the  people.” 

These  fundamental  statements  defining  the  status  of  the  Republic 
were  expedient  and  timely,  for  the  reason  that  the  Malolos  govern- 
ment was  just  coming  into  light.  However,  during  the  debate  the 
objection  was  made  that  the  second  declaration  was  premature.  An- 
other point  raised  was  that  the  proposed  constitution  did  not  determine 
the  territorial  limits  of  the  Republic. 

FOEM  OF  GOVEEXMEXT. 

Title  2,  headed  “ Of  the  government  ” had  but  one  article,  as  follows : 

” The  government  of  the  Itopublic  is  popular,  representative,  alter- 
native, and  responsible,  and  is  exercised  by  three  distinct  powers,  which 
are  denominated  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial. 

“ Two  ar  more  of  these  powers  shall  never  be  united  In  one  person 
or  corporation,  nor  shall  the  legislative  power  be  vested  in  one  in- 
dividual.” 

G9318— 11290 


25 


The  committee,  referring  to  this  important  declaration,  reported  : 

“ The  committee  needs  hut  a little  effort  to  demonstrate  the  need 
of  faithfully  carrying  out  the  doctrine  of  Montesquieu.  » * # Hence 

the  establishment,  absolutely  independent  from  the  executive  and  judi- 
cial powers,  of  the  national  assembly,  synthesis  of  popular  sovereignty 
and  genuine  representative  of  the  highest  prerogative  of  the  people, 
whieh  is  to  make  laws.”  . 

The  fore.going  must  he  read  in  connection  with  what  Calderon  said 
several  years  afterwards,  that  “ the  Congress  of  the  Republic  was  the 
supreme  power  in  the  whole  nation.”  It  is'  clear,  therefore — and  a 
reading  of  the  constitution  will  show  it — that  the  English  and  French 
idea  of  making  the  legislature  sovereign  took  hold  of  the  I’hilippinc 
convention.  What  causes  led  to  the  adoption  of  such  principle?  The 
revolution  against  Spain  created  a class  of  leaders  who,  on  account  of 
the  troublous  times,  assumed  ample  powers.  This  was  to  a certain 
extent  necessary  for  the  time  being,  but  the  representatives  saw  the 
extreme  peril  involved  hv  such  state  of  affairs  if  continued  indefiniteiy, 
so  they  curtailed  the  power  of  the  executive.  It  must  not  be  under- 


was  the  adviser  of  Aguinaldo,  ever  desired  to  make  the  latter  a dictator. 

Neither  the  article  under  consideration  nor  any  other  provision  stated 
whether  the  government  was  federal  or  unitary.  But  a simple  glance 
at  the  constitution  reveals  the  fact  that  the  latter  system  was  sanc- 
tioned. This  feature  of  the  constitution  did  not  excite  much  contro- 
versy, as  the  centuries  of  Spanish  centralization  had  ingrained  in  the 
habits  of  the  people  the  practices  of  a unitary  government. 


EELIGIOX, 

Title  3 deals  with  religion.  Calderon  proposed  to  follow  the  examples 
of  Spain,  Argentina,  Bolivia,  Peru,  Coiomhia,  Paraguay,  Uruguay,  Costa 
Eica,  and  Santo  Domingo  by  the  establishment  of  a State  reiigion,  the 
Roman  Catholic.  However,  he  was  in  favor  of  allowing  the  private 
exercise  of  any  other  religion,  provided  it  was  not  contrary  to  morals 
and  good  customs  and  did  not  subvert  the  security  of  the  nation.  His 
idea  was  strongly  opposed  in  the  house,  and  this  produced  the  most 
learned  and  eloquent  debate  during  the  life  of  that  body.  The  oppo- 
sition was  led  by  Thomas  G.  del  Rosario.  The  debate  lasted  four  days, 
the  speakers,  especially  Calderon  and  del  Rosario,  exhp.usting  the  argu- 
ments on  both  sides  and  showing  such  profound  knowledge  of  history 
and  the  science  of  government  that  any  legislature  in  the  world  would 
be  proud  to  have  on  its  record  a similar  discussion.  The  first  vote  was 
a tie — 25  to  25 — which  indicates  the  irresistible  logic  of  both  sides. 
The  president  declined  to  cast  his  deciding  vote,  so  another  one  was 
taken.  At  the  second  voting  Representative  Pablo  Tecson  Roque,  who 
did  not  vote  at  the  first  one,  voted  in  favor  of  the  opposition.  Title 
3,  therefore,  read  thus  ; 

” The  State  recognizes  the  liberty  and  equality  of  all  religious  wor- 
ships, as  well  as  the  separation  of  t.he  church  and  state.” 

CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  EIGHTS. 

Title  4 was  headed  thus  : “ Of  Filipinos  and  their  national  and  in- 
dividual rights.”  This  paragraph  had  27  articles,  in  which  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  freemen  were  clearly  and  emphatically 
formulated.  Aliens  were  likewise  protected,  as  the  new  government 
was  intended  to  win  the  support  of  the  enlightened  opinion  of  the 
world.  The  said  rights  were  freedom  from  false  and  arbitrary  im- 
prisonment ; writ  of  habeas  corpus,  security  of  private  property  ; the 
prohibition  of  criminal  convictions  unless  by  a competent  court  and  ac- 
cording to  the  laiv  in  force  at  the  time  of  the  commission  of  the  crime  ; 
inviolability  of  private  dwelling ; liberty  to  choose  one’s  residence  and 
exemption  of  Filipinos  from  deportation ; secrecy  of  correspondence ; 
freedom  of  the  press,  right  of  petition,  and  to  form  associations  not 
contrary  to  public  morals ; freedom  of  instruction,  primary  education 
being  compulsory ; right  of  aliens  to  engage  in  their  profession  or 
industrial  pursuit ; prohibition  of  special  courts,  except  military  and 
naval  courts  having  jurisdiction  over  crimes  against  discipline  ; illegal- 
ity of  Institutions  permanently  entailing  property  and  prohibition  of 
titles  of  nobility  ; and  invalidity  of  taxes  not  imposed  by  the  assembly 
or  other  competent  authority  and  in  accordance  with  the  form  pre- 
scribed by  law.  There  were  three  articles  of  general  character  : 

“ No  Filipino  who  may  be  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  civil  and 
political  rights  shall  be  hindered  in  the  free  exercise  thereof. 

“ Crimes  committed  on  the  occasion  of  the  exercise  of  the  rights  stated 
In  this  title  shall  be  punished  by  the  courts  according  to  the  law  of  the 
land. 

G0348— 14290 


2G 


“ Tlie  onumerntion  of  the  rights  stated  in  this  title  docs  not  imply  the 
prohibition  ot  otiiers  not  especialiy  consecrated.” 

Some  of  those  articics  iiad  for  their  source  the  Spanisli  constitution 
of  June  30.  1870.  A few  were  taken  from  the  Helttian  constitution  of 
February  30,  1831.  such  as  article  20.  which  ordered  that  no  previous 
authorization  was  necessary  to  lii-osecute  public  oflicials.  The  enumera- 
tion, however,  was  broader  and  more  cITcctive  than  that  of  tlie  consti- 
tutions of  Spain  and  r>eigium.  It  compared  favorably  with  the  declara- 
tion of  rialits  contained  in  the  constitution  of  any  country.  This  was 
because  the  representatives  of  the  Filipino  people  cherished  the  idea 
of  constructing  a government  founded  upon  the  imperishable  truths 
secured  l)y  tlie  human  race  from  kingcraft  and  upon  tlio.se  indestructible 
principles  which  cDnstitutc  the  mainstay  of  modern  civilization. 

However,  it  is  doubted  by  many  whether  the  Philippine  Itepublic  could 
have  protected  these  constitutional  Iliiertics.  It  must  be  admitted, 
however,  that  the  Filipino  people,  in  consecrating  these  salutary  princi- 
ples at  the  first  opportunity  they  had,  without  even  waiting  for  the 
result  of  the  diplomatic  negotiations  at  I’aris.  and  at  the  very  time 
wlien  militarism  was  at  the  height  of  its  iufiuepce  in  the  I’lii'lippine 
Itepublic,  have  shown  that  there  is  in  the  woof  and  warp  of  their  social 
fabric  a strong,  firm  attachment  to  liberty  and  law.  a force  which,  had 
the  Itepublic  been  recognized,  would  iiave  summoned  the  energies  ot 
the  nation  in  the  upbuilding  of  a stable  and  progressive  state.  No  one 
denies  the  possibilit3'  of  disorder  in  a country  with  a newly  organized 
government.  Imt  the  question  as  to  whether  .social  convulsions  are  apt 
to  become  chronic  depends  largely,  if  not  exclusively,  upon  the  temper 
and  habits  of  the  people.  Now.  the  Fiiipino  iieoiile  are  peaceful  and 
slow  to  condemn  the  enormity  of  abuses.  They  do  not  have  the  irapet- 
uousness  of  character  and  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  Spaniards  r.nd 
Spanish-.Vmericans.  Tl.eir  re.=pect  for  iiie  constituted  authorities  has 
been  observed  liy  .American  oflicials  and  demonstrated  by  the  undeniable 
fact  that  the  Sivanisli  Government,  in  .spite  of  its  intolerable  oppression, 
easily  maintained  order  for  centuries  with  a small  number  of  soldiers. 
If  w'e  take  into  account  this  trait  of  the  Filipinos,  it  is  reasonable  to 
presume  that  the  constitutional  safeguards  declared  in  the  Malolos  doc- 
ument would  have  been  supported  and  upheld  by  a strong  and  steady 
government.  Hut  it  is  often  said  that  the  "politicians”  would  have 
produced  anarchy  and  chaos  and  that  such  constitutional  guaranties 
would  have  been  a contemplihle  mockery.  The  experience  of  the  8pan- 
ish-Ainerican  Kepubiics  is  pointed  out  to  strengthen  the  contention. 
But  a mere  presidential  election  can  plunge  most  of  the  countries  south 
of  the  United  States  into  a civil  war  and  tlius  force  a suspension  of 
individual  rights,  because  the  leaders  take  advantage  of  tiio  indomitable 
nature  and  warlike  tendencies  of  the  pecple.  In  the  I’liilippines  only  a 
question  of  life  and  death  to  the  country  could  produce  a serious  com- 
motion. because  the  Filipinos  arc  law-abiding  and  self-restraint  is  a 
dominant  feature  of  their  national  char.acter. 

The  remaining  titles,  except  the  last  two,  treated  of  the  structure  ot 
the  I’hilippine  republic.  Titles  5 and  0 dealt  with  the  legislative 
power  : titles  7 to  9,  with  the  executive  department : title  10.  with  the 
.iudieiary ; and  title  11.  with  provincial  and  municipal  governments. 
Title  12  was  about  finance,  title  13  provided  for  tlie  amendment  of 
the  constitution,  and  title  14  referred  to  constitutional  oath  and  other 
matters.  There  were  also  some  temporary  provisions. 

TUB  LEGISL.VTIKE. 

Tlie  legislature  was  unicameral,  the  examples  of  Greece.  Costa  Itica, 
Nicaragua,  Salvador,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Santo  Domingo  having 
hcon  followed.  This  system  has  liecn  so  generally  rejected  that  an  ex- 
planation of  the  reasons  for  its  adoption  in  the  islands  would  seem  not 
to  ho  out  of  place.  There  were  three  grounds  upon  which  Calderon 
based  his  proposal  : (1)  That  in  the  Philippines  there  were  no  con- 
flicting interests,  as  in  Europe  and  the  L’uitcd  States;  (2)  that  the 
country  was  in  a formative  period,  and  the  existence  of  two  cliamhcrs 
was  liable  to  clog  and  embarrass  the  affairs  of  the  state:  and  (3)  that 
there  might  not  Iiave  been  enough  men  for  both  cliamhcrs.  The 
Malolos  congress  did  not  devote  much  attention  to  this  important 
question.  It  was  simply  taken  for  granted  tliat  there  was  no  need 
of  an  upper  house,  which,  it  was  feared,  might  have  become  the  bul- 
wark of  special  privileges.  This  action  of  the  assembly  demonstrated 
its  overruling  spirit,  which  was  to  banish  from  these  shores  all  in- 
stitutions which  had  a proneness  to  crush  democratic  polity.  The 
writer  is  not  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  in  most  cases  tlie  purpose  ot 
au  upper  chamber  is  merely  to  secure  calm  and  wise  legislation,  and 
that  such  body  dees  not  necessarily  undermine  popiiiar  government,  hut 
he  is  merely  stating  the  primal  thought  of  the  Filipino  representatives. 

C9348— 14290 


27 


Another  phase  of  the  legislature  which  is  strange  to  Americans  but 
not  to  Europeans  was  its  supremacy  over  the  other  powers.  In  the 
first  place  the  parliamentary  or  responsible  system,  as  opposed  to  the 
presidential  or  nonresponsihle  type,  was  preferred.  Then  a permanent 
committee  of  the  legislature  was  created. 

PAELIAMENTABY  SYSTEM. 

The  Malolos  constitution  worked  out  the  European  system,  as  fol- 
lows : The  legislature  elected  the  president  of  the  republic.  The  latter, 
as  well  as  the  representatives,  initiated  legislative  measures.  He  could 
dissolve  the  legislature,  with  the  consent,  however,  of  the  assembly 
or  of  the  permanent  committee,  in  pursuance  of  articles  30  and  70.  The 
latter  article  was  taken  from  article  5 of  the  French  law  of  February 
25,  1S75,  with  this  difference,  that  in  France  the  Senate  gives  the 
necessary  consent  to  the  dissolution  of  the  National  Assembly.  .Tust 
how  the  Malolos  assembly  could  have  been  dissolved  in  case  of  its 
refusal  to  adjourn  did  not  appear  in  the  constitution.  Mabini  pro- 
posed to  eliminate  said  consent,  hut  the  assembly  rejected  his  idea. 
The  secretaries  of  the  government  were  ‘‘  collectively  responsible  to 
the  assembly  for  the  general  policy  of  the  government  and  individually 
for  their  own  personal  acts,”  which  provision  was  a literal  copy  of 
article  G of  the  French  law  of  February  25,  1875  ; they  could  speak 
in  congress.  The  house  could  pass  a vote  of  censure,  and  every  member 
thereof  had  a right  to  address  an  interpellation  to  the  government. 

Let  us  sec  whether  the  cabinet  or  parliamentary  system  was  better 
for  the  Filipinos  than  the  presidential  system.  This  is  an  intricate 
problem,  but  two  statements  may  be  ventured:  (1)  That  the  parlia- 
mentary system  was  more  expedient,  because  it  was  the  one  known  to 
the  Filipinos:  and  (2)  that  a nourcsponsible  government,  the  capital 
drawback  of  which  is,  according  to  Mr.  Bryce,  its  “ want  of  unity,” 
would  not  have  responded  to  the  stern  exigencies  of  the  period.  The 
first  Philippine  Commission  criticized  the  system  adopted  by  the  Fili- 
pinos. saying : 

"They  (the  Filipinos)  had  never  dreamed  of  the  simple  American 
plan  of  giving  the  chief  executive  large  powers  and  of  holding  him 
strictly  accountable  for  the  use  made  of  them,  his  cabinet  being  merely 
an  advisory  body,  and  they  had  not  risen  to  the  great  and  fruitful  con- 
ception of  the  complete  separation  and  mutual  independence  of  the 
executive,  judicial,  and  legislative  departments  of  government.  It  will 
take  time  and  require  visible  demoustration  of  the  American  method 
of  a strong  executive  who  Shall  be  completely  independent  of  the 
legislature.”  . 

The  above  opinion  is,  of  course,  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the 
American  arrangement  is  better  than  the  European  plan.  This  question 
is  one  of  the  most  delicate  problems  of  modern  political  science,  and 
the  commis.s  ion's  view,  therefore,  merely  states  one  side  of  fno  con- 
troversy. Had  the  I’hilippine  congress  given  Aguinaldo  a strong  hand, 
the  advocates  of  the  theory  of  our  supposed  incapacity  would  now  un- 
doubtedly make  a weighty  argument  of  this  fact  to  show  that  the 
republic  was  a sham  and  that  political  absolutism  was  the  all-absorbing 
principle. 

THE  PEHMAXEXT  COMMITTEE. 

The  permanent  committee  of  the  legislature  was  an  institution 
adopted  frem  Mexico,  Chile,  Par.aguay,  Uruguay,  Haiti.  Guatemala,  and 
Costa  Rica,  especially  from  the  last  two  countries.  It  was  to  perform 
its  duties  during  the  recess  of  congress.  Its  powers  were  to  decide 
whether  impeachment  proceedings  could  be  instituted  ; to  call  a special 
session  of  the  assembly,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  president ; to  dis- 
patch pending  business,  so  that  the  same  could  be  discussed  by  con- 
gress : to  call  a special  session  of  the  legislature ; and  to  take  the 
place  of  the  assembly  in  ail  its  powers,  except  the  making  of  lav/s. 

XATUIiE  OP  A REPGESEXT.VTIVE’S  DUTY. 

Another  matter  which  deserves  special  attention  in  connection  with 
the  legislature  is  the  duty  of  each  member,  as  defined  iu  the  following 
provision  : 

••  The  members  of  the  assembly  shall  represent  the  whole  nation  and 
not  merely  the  electors  choosing  them.  No  representative  shall  receive 
any  binding  instruction  from  the  electors.” 

This  principle  is  seldom  enunciated  in  constitutions.  Yet  it  be- 
speaks the  admirable  foresight  and  broad  statesmanship  of  the  authors 
of  the  Philippine  constitution.  Universal  experience  vouches  for  the 
soundness  of  such  doctrine.  As  President  tVilson  said  : 

“ If  the  representative  bo  a mere  delegate,  local  interests  must 
clash  and  contend  in  legislation  to  tho  destruction  of  all  unity  and 
consistency  iu  policy ; if  however,  the  representative  he  not  a mere 
69348—14206 


28 


delegate,  but  a fully  empowered  member  of  the  central  government, 
coherence,  consistency,  and  power  may  be  given  to  all  national  move- 
ments of  self-direction.” 

OTHER  POWERS  OP  THE  ASSEMBLY. 

Little  remains  to  be  said  regarding  the  legislative  department.  The 
constitution  did  not  enumerate  the  general  powers  of  the  congress,  as 
written  constitutions  generally  do.  The  usual  parliamentary  privileges 
were  guaranteed.  The  assembly  determined  the  rules  of  its  proceedings, 
judged  the  elections  and  qualifications  of  its  members  and  approved 
their  resignations,  and  elected  its  officers.  It  tried  all  impeachments. 
No  representative  could  accept  any  pension,  employment,  or  commission 
with  emolument,  except  the  secretaryships  of  the  executive  department 
or  other  offices  enumerated  by  special  laws.  The  representatives  held 
office  for  four  years. 

THE  EXECUTIVE  DEP.tRTMEXT. 

Titles  7 to  9.  as  above  stated,  treated  of  the  executive  department. 
The  executive  power  was  vested  in  a president  of  the  republic,  who 
exercised  such  power  through  his  secretaries.  In  addition  to  what  has 
already  been  said  in  connection  with  the  cabinet  government,  the  fol- 
lowing provisions  may  bo  noticed  : The  president  appointed  to  all  civil 
and  military  positions,  designated  the  secretaries,  conducted  diplo- 
matic and  commercial  relations  with  other  powers,  looked  after  the 
prompt  and  full  administration  of  justice,  granted  pardons,  presided 
over  state  functions,  and  received  envoys  and  ambassadors  of  foreign 
powers  accredited  to  him.  lie  needed  the  authority  of  a special  law 
to  alienate,  cede,  or  exchange  any  part  of  Philippine  territory  ; to  in- 
corporate any  other  territory  with  that  of  the  I'hilippine  Islands ; to 
admit  foreign  troops  into  said  territory  ; to  ratify  treaties  of  ofTensivo 
and  defensive  alliance,  special  treaties  of  commerce,  those  stipulating 
the  payment  of  subsidies  to  any  foreign  power,  and  all  treaties  which 
might  have  been  bindin.g  upon  Filipinos  individually,  provided  that  in 
no  case  could  secret  articles  of  a treaty  annul  public  ones ; to  grant 
general  amnesties  and  pardons  and  to  coin  money,  lie  commanded  the 
army  and  the  navy,  declared  war  and  made  and  ratified  peace,  with  the 
previous  consent  of  the  assembl.v.  lie  promulgated  the  laws  within  20 
days ; laws  could  be  passed  over  his  veto  by  a two-thirds  vote.  Ilis 
election  was  for  four  years,  and  he  could  bo  reelected.  He  was  re- 
sponsible only  in  case  of  high  treason.  He  had  seven  secretaries — 
for  foreign  affairs,  of  interior,  finance,  war  and  navy,  public  instruc- 
tion, communications  and  public  works,  and  agriculture,  industry,  and 
commerce.  Ali  his  orders  were  to  be  signed  by  the  proper  secretary, 
without  which  requisite  such  orders  were  not  to  be  obeyed. 

. THE  JUDICI.VL  DEPARTMENT. 

The  judiciary  was  regulated  by  title  10.  The  chief  justice  and  the 
attorney  general  were  appointed  by  the  nationai  assembly  in  concur- 
rence with  the  president  and  his  secretaries.  Every  citizen  had  a ri.ght 
to  institute  criminal  action  against  all  members  of  the  judiciary  for 
crimes  committed  in  the  disch.irge  of  their  duties.  Although  the  con- 
stitution was  silent  on  the  subject,  .vet  it  is  safe  to  jiresume  that  the 
courts  did  not  have  power  to  decide  the  constitutionality  of  laws, 
because  the  legislature  was  supreme,  as  already  pointed  out. 

LOCAL  GOVERNMENT. 

Title  11  declared  the  principles  upon  which  provincial  and  municipal 
governments  were  based.  I.ocal  autonomy  was  protected  as  long  as 
the  I’rovinces  and  municipalities  did  not  override  the  limits  of  their 
powers. 

FINANCE. 

The  budget  and  taxation  were  dealt  with  in  title  3 2.  The  executive 
department  was  to  prepare  the  budget  every  year.  No  payment  could 
be  made  but  in  accordance  with  an  appropriation  or  other  special  law 
in  the  form  and  under  the  responsibility  determined  by  law,  which  pro- 
vision appears  to  be  better  and  more  explicit  and  efficacious  than  Ar- 
ticie  1.  section  !),  paragraph  7,  United  States  Constitution,  and  sec- 
tion 5 of  the  Philippine  bill ; it  is  because  Calderon  was  an  economist, 
and  ho  saw  the  importance  of  fixing  the  responsibility  before  iaw  and 
public  opinion  for  reckless  management  of  the  people's  money.  A 
special  law  was  necessary  for  the  disposal  of  property  of  the  state  and 
for  the  borrowing  of  money  on  the  credit  of  the  nation.  The  public 
debt  was  under  the  special  protection  of  the  nation.  No  debt  was  to 
bo  contracted  unless  the  means  with  which  to  pay  the  same  were 
approved  at  the  same  lime,  which  shows  that  the  men  who  organized 
the  Philippine  republic  wanted  to  avoid  the  dangers  to  which  some 
South  .\nierican  Itepublics  are  exposed  when  they  fail  to  pay  their 
debts  to  European  nations. 

C9348— 1429C 


29 


AMENDMEXT  OP  THE  CONSTITDTION. 

Title  13  related  to  the  amendment  of  the  constitution  by  a con- 
stitutional convention  : amendments  were  to  he  proposed  by  the  assem- 
hly  or  the  president.  Lastly,  there  were  some  temporary  provisions. 

ESTI.M.VTE  OF  THE  PIIILIPPIXE  HEPUBLIC  BY  AMEIilCAN  OBSEKVERS. 

IMr.  ('liainiian,  it  is  true  that  the  government  provided  for  by 
this  consiituliou  liardly  came  into  existence;  but  that  was  due 
to  the  ag.gression  of  a strong  foreign  foe.  Indeed,  almost  upon 
the  very  inauguration  of  the  Philippine  Republic  the  hostilities 
between  the  American  and  Filipino  forces  were  begun,  and 
therefore  martial  law  was  unavoidably  proclaimed. 

Short  as  was  the  life  of  this  government,  however,  and 
struggling,  as  it  had  to,  for  its  very  existence,  first  with  Spain 
and  later  with  the  United  States,  it  lived  long  enough  to  show 
that  if  it  had  been  permitted  to  gi'ow  and  maintain  its  place 
among  the  independent  nations  of  the  world  it  would  have  con- 
tributed its  due  share  to  the  advancement  of  mankind.  It  is 
worth  while  to  recall  once  more  what  two  officials  of  the  United 
States  Navy  reported  to  Admii-al  Dewey  with  regard  to  that 
government.  I therefore  quote  a part  of  that  report : 

It  has  been  my  privilege  to  have  been  intimately  associated  with  the 
Filipino  people  for  a short  time  at  a most  interesting  period  of  their  his- 
tory. With  the  permission  of  Admiral  Dewey  I spent  the  greater  part  of 
the  months  of  October  and  November  of  1898,  in  company  with  Pay- 
master W.  B.  Wilcox.  United  States  Navy,  in  tlie  interior  of  the  northern 
part  of  the  island  of  Luzon.  It  will  be  remembered  that  at  that  date 
the  United  States  had  not  yet  announced  its  policy  in  regard  to  the  Phil- 
ippines. The  terms  of  the  treaty  with  Spain  were  Iteing  negotiated  by 
our  commissioners  at  Paris,  and  the  fate  of  the  islands  hung  in  the 
balance.  In  the  meantime,  the  native  population,  taking  matters  into 
their  own  hands,  had  declared  their  independence  from  all  foreign  juris- 
diction and  had  set  up  a provisional  government,  with  Aguinaldo  at  its 
head.  • * * Although  this  government  has  never  been  recognized 

and  in  all  probability  will  go  out  of  existence  without  recognition,  yet 
it  can  not  bo  denied  that,  in  a region  occupied  by  many  millions  of  in- 
habitants. for  nearly  six  months  it  stood  alone  between  anarchy  and 
order.  The  military  forces  of  the  United  States  held  control  only  in 
Manila,  with  its  environs,  and  in  Cavite,  and  had  no  authority  to  pro- 
ceed further,  while  in  the  vast  remaining  districts  the  representatives  of 
the  only  other  recognized  power  on  the  field  were  prisoners  in  the  hands 
of  their  despised  subjects.  It  was  the  opinion  at  Manila  during  this 
anomalous  period  in  our  Philippine  relations,  and  possibly  in  the  United 
States  as  well,  that  the  state  of  affairs  must  breed  something  akin  to 
anarchy.  » » * j can  state  unreservedly,  however,  that  Mr.  Wilcox 

and  I found  the  existing  conditions  to  be  much  at  variance  with  this 
opinion.  During  our  absence  from  Manila  we  traveled  more  than  GOO 
miles  in  a very  comprehensive  circuit  through  the  northern  part  of  the 
island  of  Luzon,  traversing  a characteristic  and  important  district.  In 
this  way  we  visited  seven  Provinces,  of  which  some  were  under  immedi- 
ate control  of  the  central  government  at  Malolos,  while  others  were 
remotely  situated,  separated  from  each  other  and  from  tlie  seat  of  gov- 
ernment by'  natural  divisions  of  land,  and  accessible  only  by  lengthy  and 
arduous  travel.  As  a tribute  to  the  efficiency  of  Aguiualdo’s  government 
and  to  the  law-abiding  character  of  his  subjects,  I offer  the  fact  that 
Mr.  Wilcox  and  I pursued  our  journey  throughout  in  perfect  security 
and  returned  to  Manila  with  only  the  most  pleasing  recollections  of  the 
(juiet  and  orderly  life  which  we  found  the  natives  to  be  leading  under 
the  nev/  rdgime. 

PROGRESSIVE  TEXDEXCIES  OP  THE  PHILIPPINE  REPUBLIC. 

• Mr.  Cliairniau,  among  the  things  done  by  this  ephemeral  gov- 
ernment, most  significant  for  the  future  becausa  they  clearly 
indicate  the  tendencies  of  the  governmental  forces  at  yvork  and 
what  they  would  have  done  for  the  Filipino  people  had  they 
endured,  are  the  establishment  of  free  and  compulsory  public 
education  and  provision  for  the  creation  of  a government  uni- 
versity. Does  history  record  another  instance  of  a newborn 
government  which,  during  the  few  months  of  its  existence  and 
6934S— 1429G 


30 


while  it  was  still  carrying  on  war,  proceeded  to  take  steps  for  the 
spread  and  promotion  of  public  instruction  among  the  masses? 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  world  will  yet  acknowledge,  when  the  pas- 
sions of  contemporary  men  have  cooled  off,  that  our  short-lived 
Kepnhlic  was,  as  the  late  Senator  Hoar  said,  a testimonial  to 
Filipino  intelligence,  justice,  and  patriotism. 

******* 
AMERICAN  RULE. 

Let  me  now  say  a word  about  the  achievements  of  the  Ameri- 
can Government  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  While  it  is  a fact 
that  your  work  in  the  Philiiipines  has  not  been  as  free  from 
errors  as  the  former  oflicials  of  the  Philippine  Government  in 
their  self-laudation  would  have  us  believe,  no  just  man  on  that 
account  would  underrate  the  value  of  j'our  work  as  a whole,  and, 
considering  all  the  circumstances,  it  must  be  admitted  that  you 
have  done  marvels. 

In  15  years  of  American  occupation  we  have  been  given, 
though,  of  course,  at  our  own  cost,  more  and  better  schools,  more 
solidly  built  roads,  more  sanitary  and  more  beautiful  cities, 
more  railroads,  and,  in  a word,  we  have  in  every  way  made 
very  marked  progress.  The  Filipino  people,  who  are  grateful 
and  appreciative,  gladly  recognize  this  and  give  you  therefor 
due  credit. 

FREEDOM  VERSES  WEALTH  AND  EDECATION. 

But  at  the  same  time,  with  every  deference  and  respect,  they 
want  me  to  say  to  j'ou  that  all  the  schools  in  the  world,  combined 
with  the  most  comfortable  railroads,  the  most  e.vcellent  sanita- 
tion, the  most  artistic  buildings,  and  everything  else  that  makes 
for  enlightenment  and  comfort  are  no  compensation  for  the  loss 
of  freedom.  “ Y.'hat  shall  it  profit  a man  if  he  gain  the  whole 
world  and  lose  his  own  soul?”  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  I hope  I may  he  permitted  to  be  frank  without 
being  offensive.  The  American  people  have  been  too  long  be- 
guiled by  siieeches  telling  of  the  wonderful  material  and  edu- 
cational progress  that  has  been  made  under  your  guidance 
in  the  islands.  Such  assurances  have  been  put  fonvard  within 
years  past,  not  for  the  purpose  of  pa3’ing  the  American  Govern- 
ment a just  tribute,  an  object  with  which  I am  in  accord,  but  with 
the  ])ernicious  and  concealed  interest  to  becloud  the  real  issue 
involved  in  the  Philippine  problem  and  to  leave  the  public  mind 
at  ease  as  to  its  moral  aspect — the  question  of  right  and  wrong — 
that  is  at  stake.  I repeat,  and  I mean  every  word,  that  intellec- 
tual advancement,  public  improvements,  and  material  prosperity 
alone  will  not  make  the  Filipinos  happy  and  contented  under 
your  rule  nor  induce  them  to  concede  the  necessity  of  that 
rule.  If  anj’  man  thinks  that  he  can  purchase  the  Filipino 
people  with  material  prosperitj’  and  intellectual  advancement, 
and  so  make  them  forget  their  rights  as  men  and  as  a nation, 
he  is  utterly  mistaken.  All  these  beneficent  things  to  meet  our 
wishes  must  be  accompanied  by  a definite  promise  that  we. 
maj'  look  forward  to  a future  time  when  an  absolutelj'  independ- 
ent government  will  be  granted  us,  and  must  in  the  meantime 
be  coupleil  with  the  immediate  establishment  of  a government 
which  shall  afford  us  power  to  determine  how  the  present  de- 
A'elopment  of  the  country  shall  he  carried  on.  Ah,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, if  to  our  misfortune  we  must  be  forever  destined  to  be 
ruled  by  a foreign  power,  better  would  it  be  to  leave  us  in  misery 
C934S— 1429C 


31 


and  in  ignorance!  The  demands  of  starving  stomachs  may 
prevent  our  souls  from  realizing  the  ignominy  of  slavery,  while 
our  ignorance  would  prevent  us  from  knowing  what  freedom 
means,  and,  therefore,  from  desiring  to  attain  it.  Can  not  you, 
Mr.  Chairman,  sympathize  with  us?  Ask  the  bird  if  it  prefei's  a 
golden  cage  to  the  air  and  the  sunshine;  or  ask  Patrick  Henry 
to  explain  his  choice  between  liberty  and  life.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  should  be  easy  for  you  to  luidei’Stand  how 
wo  feel.  Forget  for  a moment  that  you  are  a citizen  of  the 
greatest  and  most  powerful  Commonwealth  upon  the  face  of  this 
earth.  Close  your  eyes  to  the  present  and,  heeding  the  testi- 
mony of  the  past,  go  back  to  those  days,  fortunately  for  you 
long" since  gone,  when  instead  of  possessing  a country  extending 
from  the  Dominion  of  Canada  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  you  were  confined  to  the  re.nion  east  of 
the  Mississippi  River’,  and  when,  instead  of  100,000,000,  you  wore 
but  3,000,000  souls.  Remember  how  .voiir  forefathers  felt  when 
they  were  as  we  are  now  struggling  for  freedom.  And,  finally, 
bear  in  mind  that  the  love  for  liberty  in  human  hearts  has  not 
decreased,  hut,  on  the  contrarj’,  has  grown  as  human  civiliza- 
tion has  advanced.  Sir,  you  who  at  one  time  were  under  foreign 
rule  and  who  were  to  be  kept  in  that  condition  of  subjection  on 
the  ground  that  you  could  do  nothing  for  yourselves,  that  you 
were  too  ignorant  to  establish  any  suitable  government,  or  too 
unpatriotic  to  be  permitted  to  take  care  of  your  own  counti’y, 
j’ou  can  sympathize  with  us.  You  can  not  blame  us  if  our  hearts 
bleed  when  we  are  told  that  the  TJnited  States  Government  must 
forever  remain  in  the  Philippines  because  wo  are  so  incapable 
or  so  unpatriotic  as  not  to  be  intrusted  with  our  own  affairs. 
So  long  as  these  words  sound  in  Filipino  ears  we  should  not  be 
men  were  we  complaisantly  and  calmly  to  assent  to  permanent 
American  control  in  the  Philippines.  [Applause.] 

Jlr.  Chairman,  I have  been  wandering  long  enough  from  the 
immediate  issue,  and  I shall  now  discuss  the  most  salient  fea- 
tures of  the  bill. 

TWO  PRIME  FEATURES  OF  THE  BILL. 

This  bill  -is  composed  of  a preamble  and  of  legislative  provi- 
sions. The  preamble  states  the  object  of  the  bill,  which  is  to 
give  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  ample  opportunity  to 
demonstrate  to  the  world  their  capacity  for  self-goveimment,  so 
that,  after  such  a demonstration  shall  have  been  made,  they 
may  be  granted  absolute  and  complete  independence.  The  pre- 
amble recites  that  it  was  never  the  purpose  of  the  American 
people  to  make  the  War  with  Spain  an  occasion  for  territorial 
aggrandizement  or  commercial  expansion,  and  that  it  has 
always  been  the  intent  of  the  American  people  to  recognize  the 
independence  of  the  Philippines  as  soon  as  a stable  government 
shall  have  been  established  therein.  The  legislative  provisions 
of  the  bill  offer  the  Filipino  people,  as  the  iireamble  indicates, 
every  opportunity  to  demonstrate  their  capacity  for  self-govern- 
ment by  placing  in  their  hands  general  legislative  pow’ers.  with 
only  such  limitations  as  will  enable  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  to  prevent  any  possible  misuse  of  those  powers. 

MAI.V  CHANGES  IN  THE  PRESENT  ORGANIC  ACT. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  substantial  changes  which  the  legislative 
provisions  of  this  bill  propose  to  make  in  the  organic  law  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  now  in  force  are  two  in  number,  as  follows : 
First,  the  increase  of  the  powers  now  vested  in  the  Philippine 
09348 — 1420C 


32 


Government;  and,  second,  the  substitution  for  the  present  sys- 
tem of  government,  mainly  responsible  to  the  President  of  the 
Pnited  States,  of  a government  which  shall  be  responsible  to  the 
Filipino  people.  The  first  change  is  brought  about  by  conferring 
upon  the  Philippine  Government  general  legislative  powers  and 
by  specifically  authorizing  it  to  enact  land,  timber,  mining,  coin- 
age, and  tariff  laws  with  the  approval  of  the  President  of  the 
TTiited  States.  The  second  change  is  secured  by  providing  that 
both  branches  of  the  legislature  shall  be  elected  by  the  Filipino 
l>eople  and  that  the  appointment  of  Government  olficers  shall  be 
subject  to  confirmation  by  the  Senate. 

NECESSITY  OF  IXCItEASIXG  TIIE  FOWEKS  OF  THE  PniLIPPINE  COVERXMEXT. 

That  the  powers  of  the  Philippine  Government  should  be 
enlarged,  as  proposed  in  this  bill,  should  be  a foregone  con- 
clusion to  every  student  of  political  science.  It  should  be  done 
as  a matter  of  principle,  because,  if  the  Philippines  are  not  to 
become  an  integral  part  of  the  American  Nation,  like  the  States 
of  the  Union,  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  to  be  kept  a distinct 
and  separate  nation,  as  they  really  are,  their  government  should 
have  now,  even  before  it  is  declared  an  independent  common- 
wealth, all  the  legislative  powers  that  it  needs  to  promote  the 
growth  of  the  country  upon  its  own  national  lines. 

From  the  standpoint  of  expediency  the  necessity  of  vesting  the 
Philippine  Government  with  these  powers  becomes  acute.  Indeed 
the  whole  experience  of  the  world  shows  that  legislative  powers 
vested  in  a body  thousands  of  miles  away  from  the  people  and 
not  re.sponsible  to  them  do  more  harm  than  good.  This  is 
because  under  these  conditions  such  powers  are  seldom  exer- 
cised, and  when  they  are  they  are  usually  employed  in  the 
wrong  way.  The  utter  impos.sibility  of  arousing  interest  on  the 
part  of  the  legislature  in  the  affairs  of  a people  so  far  removed 
and  the  difliculties  which  prohibit  such  a legislature  from  sup- 
plying itself  with  the  information  to  legislate  wisely  inevitably 
lead  to  this  result. 

But  it  is  not  enough,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  governmental  powers 
be  vested  in  some  body  that  is  on  the  ground;  they  must  be 
granted  to  the  Filipino  people  themselve.s,  first,  because  self- 
government  is  the  birthright  of  every  people  regardless  how  that 
right  is  exercised;  and,  second,  because  the  Filipino  people,  as 
far  as  they  have  had  the  opportunity,  have  shown  that  they 
possess  the  capacity  to  govern  themselves. 

EVIDENCES  or  FILlnXO  CAPACITY  FOR  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  Filipino  people  have  sufliciently  demon- 
strated that  they  can  safely  be  intrusted  with  the  powers 
granted  in  this  bill.  I should  be  losing  precious  time  were  I to 
tell  the  committee  that  since  the  early  days  of  the  American 
regime  both  the  municipalities  and  the  Provinces  have  been 
successfully  governed  by  Filipinos  elected  by  the  people.  This 
is  a fact  admitted  even  by  those  most  opiwsed  to  Filipino  self- 
government.  It  is  akso  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  that  the 
Filipinos  ocenpying  appointive  positions  in  the  insular  govern- 
ment are  fully  justifying  themselves,  as  is  demonstrated  by  the 
fact  that  not  oulj-  are  they  kept  in  office  but  that  their  number 
has  been  continuou.sly  increasing.  Had  these  appointments  been 
failures  they  would  have  been  recalled  and  no  further  appoint- 
ments of  a like  kind  would  have  been  made.  Filipinos  so  ap- 
poinhxl  hold  places  on  the  supreme  bench  and  in  the  courts  of 
C034S— 14200 


33 


record.  Every  justice  of  tlie  peace,  the  secretary  of  finance  and 
justice,  five  members  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  the  attorney 
general,  the  solicitor  general,  the  provincial  fi.scals  (prosecuting 
attorneys),  some  chiefs  and  assistant  chiefs  of  bureaus,  and  the 
majority  of  the  civil-service  employees  are  Filipinos. 

As  to  the  legislative  capacity  of  the  Filipinos,  the  work  of  the 
Philippine  Assembl3"  since  1907  and  the  achievements  of  the 
Philii)pine  Legislature  when,  through  the  appointment  of  a ma- 
jority of  Filipinos  on  the  commission,  it  had  become  practically 
a Filipino  bodj',  furnish  conclusive  testimony  to  the  intelligence, 
culture,  and  devotion  to  duty  of  our  Filipino  legislators.  It  will 
not  be  amiss.  Mr.  Chairman,  to  cite  to  the  committee  the  testi- 
mony of  Americans  prominent  in  the  councils  of  each  of  the 
three  political  parties  in  the  United  States  on  this  subject. 

Ex-President  Taft,  who  is  considered  by  many  as  one  of  the 
Americans  best  informed  on  things  Philippine,  said  in  his  special 
report  on  the  Philippines  as  Secretary  of  War ; 

The  riiilippine  Assembly  has  shown  a most  earnest  desire,  and  its 
loaders  have  expressed  with  the  utmost  emphasis  their  intention  to  iabor 
for  the  material  prosperity  of  the  Philippines.  * * * In  other 

words,  thus  far  the  assembly  has  not  manifested  in  any  way  that  oh- 
struetive  charaeter  which  those  who  have  prophesied  its  faiiur'c  expected 
to  see. 

This  testimony  is  supported  by  ex-Presideut  Roosevelt,  who 
in  a message  to  Congress  used  the  following  language : 

THE  PHILIPPINES. 

Keal  progress  toward  self-government  is  being  made  in  the  Phiiippine 
I.slands.  The  gathering  of  a Philippine  legislative  body  and  Philippine 
Assembly  marks  a process  absolutely  new  in  Asia,  not  only  as  regards 
Asiatic  colonies  of  European  powers  but  as  regards  .-Vsiatic  possessions  of 
other  Asiatic  powers : and.  Indeed,  always  excepting  the  striking  and 
wonderful  example  afforded  b3'  the  great  Empire  of  Japan,  it  opens  an 
entirely  new  departure  when  compared  with  anything  which  has  hap- 
pened among  Asiatic  powers  which  are  their  own  masters.  Hitherto 
this  Philippine  Legislature  has  acted  with  moderation  and  self-restraint, 
and  has  seemed  in  practical  fashion  to  realize  the  eternal  truth  that 
there  must  always  be  government,  and  that  the  only  way  in  which  auv 
body  of  individuals  can  escape  the  necessity  of  being  governed  by  out- 
siders is  to  show  that  they  are  able  to  restrain  themselves,  to  keep  down 
wrongdoing  and  disorder.  The  Filipino  people,  through  their  officials, 
are  therefore  making  real  steps  in  the  direction  of  self-government. 

An  American  scholar  resident  in  the  Philippines,  Dr.  Rob- 
ertson, who  has  been  carefully  studying  the  conduci  of  the 
Philippine  Assembly,  wrote  of  this  body  as  follows  : 

When  one  considers  the  lack  of  opportunity  that  the  Filipinos  have 
had  for  representative  government,  this  extraordinary  session  marks  an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  This  remark  is  no  idle 
panegyric,  but  is  based  on  actual  contact  and  conversation  with  various 
members  of  the  assembly,  as  well  as  attendance  at  many  of  the  open 
meetings  of  the  assembl.v.  ^ » 

The  assembly  just  closed  was  remarkable  in  several  respects  : for  the 
discipline  exercised  by  the  speaker:  for  the  great  earnestness  displaved 
by  the  representatives  in  general ; for  their  dignity  of  bearing  : and  tor 
their  freedom  from  jingoism  ; and.  outwardly  at  least,  from  party  pas- 
sion— outwardly,  I say,  because  considerable  party  passion  and  personal 
feeling  did  at  times  creep  into  committee  and  secret  meetings.  In  gen- 
eral. it  may  be  said  that  this  assembly  in  its  quietness  and  dignity  of 
action  has  established  a precedent  that  can  well  be  taken  as  a form’  for 
future  sessions.  * * * 

While  it  might  be  said  that  this  special  session  was  called  upon  to 
consider  but  a limited  range  of  subjects,  and  can  not,  therefore,  be 
taken  as  a typical  session,  where  there  is  more  at  stake,  yet  an  examina- 
tion of  the  various  bills  introduced  and  discussed  show's  a considerable 
range  of  interests,  and  those  interests  among  the  most  vital  in  the 
Philippines.  That  they  were  treated  in  so  earnest  and  dignified  a man- 
ner must  score  a point  in  favor  of  the  working  of  the  assembly.  On  the 
G934S— 14206 3 


34 


whole,  there  was  an  absence  of  bombast  and  fireworks  that  was  re- 
freshin".  • » » 

Jlost  of  the  delegates  were  esceedinj;ly  in  earnest  and  worked  up  to 
the  measure  of  their  ahilit.v.  » * i Conversations  with  various  of 
the  dele.aates  showed  them  to  be,  on  the  whole,  men  of  relative  superior 
iniellisence,  alert,  and  anxious  for  the  best  jrood  of  the  Philippines, 
This  last  is  a ver.v  siRnificant  fact.  The  delegates,  although  elected  to 
represent  a certain  localit,v,  are  keenl.v  alive  to  the  fact  that  they  rep- 
resent all  the  I’hilippines  and  must  obtain  the  best  good  for  the  whole 
country,  * * * If  the  leaders  proceed  with  the  wisdom  that  llizal 

would  have  had,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  Filipino  Assembly 
will  have  permanently  an  honored  place  among  the  deliberative  assem- 
blies of  the  world. 

These  observations  as  to  the  results  attained  by  the  establish- 
ment of  a popularly  elected  branch  of  our  legislature  are  cor- 
roborated by  the  opinion  rendered  by  the  present  Governor  Gen- 
eral of  the  Philippines  on  the  work  of  the  Philippine  Pe.gi-sla- 
ture  during  a year  where  both  of  its  branches,  controlled  by 
Filipinos,  assumed  under  most  tryin.g  circumstances  the  legisla- 
tive powers  of  the  Philippine  Government.  Mr.  Harrison,  in  his 
annual  message  to  the  Philippine  Legislature,  on  February  G, 
1L114.  said : 

Gentlemen  of  the  legislature,  nearly  four  months  ago  I addressed 
you  for  the  first  time.  1 came  to  you  then  with  high  expectations  of 
your  legislative  ability.  Those  expectations  have  now  been  justified. 
During  the  regular  session  which  has  just  elapsed  your  iabors  for  the 
public  welfare  have  been  earnest,  industrious,  and  efheient.  Your  course 
has  been  one  of  progress  and  economy  of  the  public  moneys.  Many 
laws  of  great  importance  have  been  enacted.  Among  these  is  the  gen- 
eral appropriation  act  for  tiie  current  expenditures  of  the  Government, 
the  first  to  become  law  since  litlO.  This  act  effected  many  reforms  in 
the  fabric  of  this  government  and  has  met  wish  widespread  approval. 
Peace  and  ijrosperity  throughout  the  islands  and  tranquillity  of  the 
public  mind  bear  evidence  of  this  approval.  The  I’residcnt  of  the 
I’nited  States  has  expressed  his  appreciation,  and  the  Secretary  of  War 
has  sent  the  following  message  : 

“ I congratulate  you  on  the  passage  for  the  first  time  in  three  years 
of  a general  appropriation  bili,  and  on  the  fact  that  the  bili  was  passed 
unanimously  by  Iwth  houses.  I have  no  doubt  but  that  there  were,  as 
to  a great  many  features,  differences  of  opinion,  lint  it  is  a source  of 
satisfaction  to  the  department  that  such  differences  were  satisfactorily 
adjusted.  Please  extend  to  both  houses  of  the  I’hilippine  I.egislatur'e 
my  congratulations  on  this  event,  and  express  to  them  my  hope  that  this 
is  but  an  indication  of  what  may  be  expected  in  the  future." 

The  general  appropriation  act,  in  man.y  ways,  increases  the  eD3- 
eieney  of  the  Government  service,  and  will  result  in  a saving  of  over 
P2.U(i0,0o0  in  our  current  expenses.  We  must  now  guard  jeaiously  the 
economies  already  effected  and  proceed  to  consider  further  reforms  and 
retrenchment  of  unnecessary  expenditures.  l!y  these  methods  we  shall 
entirely  avert  the  deficit  in  the  general  unappropriated  funds  of  the 
treasury  which  faced  us  at  the  opening  of  tlie  October  session.  And, 
further,  we  may  also  enact  now  a law  appropriating  funds  for  the  public 
works  and  continue  in  every  respect  the  previous  admirable  progress  in 
the  construction  of  roads,  bridges,  and  artesian  wells.  For  the  framing 
of  such  an  appropriation  i)ili,  as  well  as  for  a proper  deliberation  and 
careful  scrutiny  of  many  other  measures  of  public  moment.  I have  called 
this  special  session  of  the  legislature  to  sit  from  to-day  untli  the  2Sth 
of  February.  1914.  During  the  course  of  your  proceedings  I shall  make 
to  you  certain  recommendations  for  your  consideration. 

The  art  of  government  is.  in  many  respects,  the  highest  of  the 
sciences.  You  have  already  demonstrated  the  ability  of  a legislature 
composed  almost  entirely  of  Filipinos  to  enact  difficult  and  progressive 
legislation.  In  the  days  to  come  you  will  maintain  the  high  standard 
you  have  alread3‘  raised.  Many  cj-es  arc  upon  you ; many  minds  are 
fixed  upon  your  every  act.  The  time  is  one  of  utmost  importance  to 
the  ultimate  achievement  of  Filipino  aspirations.  The  people  of  the 
Fnited  States  are  your  friends.  All  of  them,  I am  sure,  wish  earnestly 
for  a continuation  of  the  successful  outcome  of  your  labors. 

A more  detailed  account  of  the  work  of  this  “ Filipinized  ” 
legisliiture  is  given  iu  the  following  letter  written  by  the  Manila 
G9348— 14290 


35 


correspondent  of  one  of  the  metropolitan  newspapers  of  this 
countrj’ : 

Manila,  July  25, 

Nearly  ]0  months  have  elapsed  since  October  G,  lOlG,  when  the  new 
Governor  General  of  the  Philippines.  Francis  Burton  Harrison,  of  New 
York,  landed  in  Manila,  and  half  an  hour  later  delivered  his  now  famous 
“ Luneta  address,”  announcing  the  intention  of  President  Wilson  to 
gii  e the  Filipinos  a majority  on  the  Philippine  Commission.  The  an- 
nouncement was  hailed  with  joy  by  the  Filipinos,  by  the  majority  of 
Americans  and  foreigners  in  the  islands  with  misgivings  and  forebod- 
ings of  political  disaster. 

As  to  the  success  of  the  experiment,  opinions  vary.  In  general,  how- 
evci’,  it  may  be  stated  that  adverse  criticism  of  the  “ Filipinized  ” 
legislature  has  largely  subsided,  if  not  entirely  ceased. 

How  far  has  the  faith  of  the  present  administration  at  Washington 
in  the  abilit.v  of  the  Filipinos  to  assume  complete  control  of  the  legis- 
lative branch  of  the  government  been  justified?  What  effect  upon 
general  sociological,  political,  and  business  conditions  has  the  new  order 
of  things  produced?  Would  the  United  States  be  justified  in  extending 
still  further  political  autonomy  to  the  Filipinos?  This  letter  will  be 
confined  to  a recital  of  facts  and  figures  bearing  on  the  accomplish- 
ments of  the  last  session  of  the  Philippine  Legislature,  the  first  in 
which  both  branches  were  under  Filipino  control. 

THE  ‘‘  FILIPINIZED  ” GOVERNMENT. 

The  assembly,  or  lower  branch  of  the  Philippine  Legislature,  has, 
since  its  establishment  in  1907,  been  composed  exclusively  of  Filipinos 
elected  by  popular  vote.  The  Philippine  Commission  is  appointed  by 
the  I’resident  of  the  L’nited  States,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate. 
Formerly  it  was  composed  of  five  .\mcricans  and  four  Filipinos,  the 
Governor  General  being  president  of  the  body.  By  the  appointment  of 
four  new  Filipino  commissioner.s  and  the  reappointment  of  Commis- 
.sioner  Palma  the  Filipinos  obtained  last  October  a majority  of  one. 

The  three  new  .American  commissioners,  who,  with  the  Governor 
General,  compose  the  racial  minority,  were  also  appointed  in  October, 
but  did  not  reach  the  islands  until  the  regular  session  of  the  legislature 
was  practically  over;  so  that  whatever  credit  or  discredit  might  attach 
to  the  last  session  of  the  Philippine  I.egislature  must  be  placed  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  Filipino  commissioners,  the  Philippine  Assembly,  and, 
to  a certain  extent,  upon  those  of  the  Governor  General. 

While  it  is  true  that  the  Governor  General,  because  of  the  authority 
of  the  Washington  Government  behind  him,  and  because  of  the  powers 
and  prerogatives  vested  in  him  by  the  organic  act  of  1903,  can  wield  a 
vast  influence  upon  the  shaping  of  legislation,  particularly  in  the  upper 
house,  yet.  in  fact,  the  chief  executive  did  not  avail  himself  of  nearly 
the  full  influence  inherent  in  his  position. 

Mr.  Harrison  desired  io  test  the  actual  capacity  of  his  Filipino  con- 
fr&res  ; therefore  he  effaced  himself  almost  completely  from  the  routine 
work  of  legislation.  Of  the  bills  introduced,  but  a negligible  percentage 
were  introduced  by  the  Governor  General,  by  far  the  major  portion  being 
framed  and  presented  b.v  the  Filipino  commissioners,  who  had  been 
designated  individual  committees  to  deal  with  the  various  special  phases 
of  the  legislative  business. 

WORK  OF  THE  FILIPINO  COMMISSIONERS. 

Commissioner  IMapa,  the  only  Filipino  commissioner  having  depart- 
mental supervision,  or  a portfolio,  as  they  call  it  hero,  handled  all  bills 
pertaining  to  his  own  department,  that  of  finance  and  justice ; Com- 
missioner He  Veyra  prepared  bills  having  to  do  with  the  department 
of  commerce  and  police  ; Commissioner  Singson  took  care  of  the  depart- 
ment of  the  interior  legislation,  with  the  exception  of  matters  con- 
cerning the  Jloro  Province,  vv-hich  were  largely  attended  to  b.v  Com- 
missioner 1 lustre,  who  is  a native  of  that  Province.  Commissioner 
I’alma  was  Intrusted  with  matters  pertaining  to  the  department  of 
public  instruction,  and  presided  in  the  absence  of  the  Governor  General. 

^ During  practically  the  entire  regular  session  the  American  commis- 
sioners intrusted  with  the  three  last-named  portfolios,  wore  absent,  and 
the  Filipino  commissioners,  in  addition  to  their  legislative  duties,  took 
care  of  the  administrative  work  of  these  departments,  which  embrace  in 
their  jurisdiction  the  entire  executive  branch  of  the  government. 

The  Governor  General  took  but  small  part  in  the  detail  work  of  legis- 
lation in  the  commission.  ,\s  a matter  of  fact,  ho  absented  himself  time 
and  again  from  the  sessions  of  that  body.  On  not  a single  occasion  did 
he  make  use  of  his  veto  power  to  coerce  or  impede  legislation.  His 
congressional  experience  served  him  in  good  stead  in  parliamentary 
procedure,  and  he  conducted  the  proceedings  of  the  commission  with 
system  and  dispatch. 

69348— 1420G 


3G 


It  should  be  reniembered,  however,  that  in  his  “ Luncta  speech  ” and 
in  his  first  messase  to  the  legislature  he  had  previously  outlined  the 
policies  of  the  administration  with  respect  to  finances,  the  cixdl  service, 
■■  big  business,"  and  the  relations  of  the  governing  to  the  governed.  lie 
had  laid  down  a sweeping  economy  program,  calculated  to  correct  the 
alleged  extravagances  of  the  previous  administration  : he  had  declared 
the  administration’s  intention  more  rapidly  to  substitute  Filipinos  for 
Americans  in  the  civii  service;  he  had  announced  that  “business  is 
intended  to  serve  the  government,  not  the  government  to  serve  busi- 
ness ■’ ; and  he  had  assured  and  convinced  the  members  of  the  legis- 
lature that  the  administration  intended  to  give  the  Filininos  a fair  test 
of  their  fitness  for  self-government. 

The  commission,  as  well  as  the  assembly,  adhered  closelv  to  the  lines 
laid  out  for  them  in  the  Governor  General's  message.  This  was  not 
due.  as  might  be  inferred,  to  servile  compliance  on  their  part  with  the 
will  of  the  chief  executive,  but  rather  to  their  sympathy  with  the  general 
principles  and  policies  enunciated  by  Mr.  Harrison.  The  fact  that  the 
Fiiipinos  can  not  be  led  like  sheep  b.v  the  Governor  General  was  evi- 
denced in  the  discord  and  practical  stoppage  of  constructive  legislation 
that  prevailed  during  the  previous  regime  dominated  by  Mr.  Forbes. 

During  the  session  .iust  past,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
Phiiippine  bicameral  legislation  under  the  American  rCgime,  there 
existed  perfect  accord  in  aims  and  principles  between  tlie  Governor 
General  and  the  two  houses  of  the  legislature.  The  two  houses  worked 
in  harmony,  and  in  but  one  instance — concerning  the  passage  of  a 
dental-practice  regulation  bill — did  they  fail  to  come  to  an  agreement. 
There  had  been  more  or  less  constant  friction  between  the  assembly 
and  the  commission.  The  assembly  always  has  stood  for  greater  econ- 
omy in  governmental  expenditures,  more  rapid  “ Filipinization  ” of  the 
civil  service,  and  .greater  consideration  for  the  rights,  aspirations,  and 
customs  of  the  people. 

The  commission  in  the  past  seemed  to  take  the  attitude  that  the 
Filipinos  were  unabie  to  assure  safe  and  sane  forms  of  conduct  with 
respect  to  nearly  all  matters  arising  for  settlement  by  legislative  action. 
The  labors  of  the  assembly  were  depreciated  and  ridiculed  by  the  mass 
of  Americans  and  foreigners  over  here,  as  well  as  by  the  local  American 
press. 

In  1010  the  two  houses  came  to  a deadlock  over  the  general  appro- 
priation bill,  the  most  important  measure  arising  in  the  legislature, 
and  the  Governor  General  was  forced  to  resort  to  the  expedient,  pre- 
scribed by  law,  of  continuing  the  iast  .iointly  approved  appropriation 
bill  for  another  year  by  executive  order,  although  the  measure  was 
considered  by  the  lower  house  extravagant  and  unfair  to  the  people. 

INFLUENCE  CF  A NEW  SPIGIT. 

The  “ new  era  ” heartened  and  quickened  the  legislative  machinery. 
More  bills  were  passed  than  at  any  previous  session.  A much  greater 
percentage  of  bills  ori.ginating  and  passing  in  the  commission  was 
approved  by  the  lower  house  than  ever  before,  and  a surprisingly  large 
number  of  excellent  bills  of  prime  importance  to  the  islands  and  in 
line  with  the  best  and  most  progressive  modern  thought  were  enacted 
into  law.  An  appropriation  bill  was  passed  which  bids  fair  to  turn 
the  threatened  deficit  in  the  insular  treasury  into  a sizable  surplus, 
and  an  entirely  new  system  of  apportioning  and  appropriating  Govern- 
ment funds  for  the  different  bureaus  was  evolved  and  provided  for. 

The  following  comparative  table  will  make  clear  the  quantitative 
results  of  the  last  session  as  compared  with  that  of  previous  sessions  : 


Sessions. 

• 

1910-11 

1911-12 

1912-13 

1913-14 

Bills  introduced  in  commission 

C3 

C9 

71 

103 

Bills  passed  by  commission 

48 

52 

61 

69 

Commission  bills  enacted  b v legislatme. . . 

17 

17 

18 

50 

Bills  introduced  in  assembly 

484 

518 

421 

398 

Bills  passed  bv  assembly 

98 

181 

131 

169 

Assembly  bills  enacted  bv  legislature 

Fercenlage  of  commission  bills  enacted 

S3 

69 

51 

51 

by  legislature 

Percentage  of  assembly  bills  enacted  by 

35 

, 25 

10 

72 

legislature 

Percentage  of  bills  passed  by  either  house 

34 

38 

39 

30 

enacted  by  legislature 

34 

37 

36 

42 

093-1 S—1120G 


37 


It  will  be  seen  that  whereas  the  pcrccniage  of  bills  passed  by  the 
assembly  and  enacted  by  the  legislature  fell  from  39  last  year  to  30  for 
this  year's  session,  the  percentage  of  commission  bills  passed  by  the 
legislature  rose  from  30  to  72. 

The  decrease  in  the  number  of  assembly  bills  enacted  was  largely  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  e.xtraordinary  labors  involved  in  the  framing  in 
the  general  appropriation  bill  resulted  in  the  holding  over  of  a great 
many  bills  in  the  lower  house  without  action.  Moreover,  due  to  the 
renaissance  of  the  national  spirit,  there  was  more  activity  in  the  lower 
house  in  the  matter  of  framing  bills  and  more  initiative  in  the  pre- 
sentation of  measures.  Then,  the  commission  was  very  cautious  in  its 
consideration  of  bills  arising  in  the  lower  house,  and  brought  its 
superior  wisdom  and  experience  to  bear  on  measures  arising  there.  It 
thus  performed  its  intended  function  as  a check  upon  the  more  youthful 
and  exuberant  spirits  of  the  assembly. 

CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  COMMISSION. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  unbounded  confidence  of  the  assembly  in  the 
commission,  a now  condition  in  I’hilippine  legislation,  is  demonstrated 
b.v  the  fact  that  72  per  cent  of  bills  passed  in  the  upper  hou.se  were 
approved  by  the  lower  chamber.  Compare  this  figure  with  the  30, 
20,  and  35  of  the  three  previous  years. 

During  the  last  session  101  bills  wore  enacted  into  law.  For  the 
three  iirevious  years  the  figures  are  09.  80.  and  50. 

In  the  session  of  1010-11,  outside  of  a “ negotiable  instruments  ” act, 
a bill  for  the  reorganization  of  the  .iustico  of  the  peace  courts,  and  a 
bill  granting  a gas  franchise  for  the  city  of  Manila,  no  important  meas- 
ures were  enacted.  In  the  following  session  the  most  important  laws 
passed  were  an  act  permitting  the  utilization  of  the  “ gold  standard 
and  reserve”  fund  for  public-works  loans  to  Provinces  and  municipal- 
ities : a warehouse-receipt  act,  governing  the  use  of  this  class  of  busi- 
ness documents : an  automobile  law,  fixing  speed  limits,  etc.  ; and  an 
act  providing  for  systematic  government  inspection  of  the  municipal 
police  forces  in  the  islands.  This  latter  law  was  never  enforced  for 
lack  of  appropriation.  During  the  session  of  1912-13  the  only  impor- 
tant laws  enacted  v.'cre  a bill  providing  for  the  registration  of  patents, 
a law  regulating  the  practice  of  veterinary  medicine,  and  a bill  appro- 
priating funds  for  a portion  of  the  cadastral  survey  of  the  islands. 

QU.II.ITATIVE  VIEW  OF  LAST  SESSION. 

The  list  of  important  bills  for  the  1913-14  session  is  as  follows  : 

(1)  General  appropriation  bill  : This  measure  was  the  principal  source 
of  the  present  administration's  unpopularity  among  the  Americans  in 
the  islands.  It  did  away  with  reimbursable  appropriations.  It  reduced 
all  salaries  above  .$3,000  from  5 to  10  per  cent.  It  provided  for  a 
reduction  of  the  American  force  in  most  bureaus  and  the  placing  of 
Filipinos  in  more  responsible  positions.  It  did  away  with  unnecessary 
expenditures  and  gave  the  bureau  chiefs  less  leeway  in  handling  public 
funds.  It  eliminated  some  positions  entirely,  and  o\'en  eliminated  an 
entire  bureau,  which  had  lieen  a drag  upon  the  Government's  finances 
in  the  previous  administration.  It  consolidated  other  bureaus  into  more 
iflicicnt  and  economi.'al  organizations.  It  was  a bill  intended  to  accom- 
plish  the  principal  object  of  the  government’s  financial  polic.v — economy. 
The  bill  was  framed  by  the  assembly,  amended,  and  redrafted  by  tlie 
commission,  and  acepted  by  the  assembly,  after  conference,  with  but 
few  changes. 

When  it  was  made  public  a terrible  howl  wont  up  from  the  un- 
fortunate Americans  who  were  deprived  of  positions  or  suffered  re- 
duction in  salary.  Many  resigned.  The  bill  was  derided  and  pointed 
to  as  a horrible  instance  of  the  incapacity  of  the  Filipinos  for  self- 
government.  As  a matter  of  fact,  it  was  a creditable  piece  of  legisla- 
tive work — one  that  few  icgislatures  in  the  world  could  have  accom- 
plished with  equal  thoroughness  and  dispatch.  As  a result  of  this  bill 
government  expenditures  for  the  first  four  moiiths  of  the  present  fiscal 
year  showed  a saving  of  approximately  $1,000,000  as  compared  with 
last  year,  and  no  one  has  noticed  any  appreciable  slackening  up  in  the 
functioning  of  the  government  machinery.  Had  this  bill  not  been 
passed  salaries  and  bureau  expenditures  would  have  eaten  up  all  the 
government's  revenues,  not  leaving  a centavo  for  public  works. 

ANTISI.AVERY  BILL  I’ASSED. 

(2)  An  antislavery  bill,  which  Worcester  claimed  could  not  be  passed 
in  the  assembly. 

(3)  A judiciary  bill,  entirely  reorganizing  the  higher  judiciary  system 
in  the  islands. 

(4)  -*n  internal-ravenue  act,  totally  revising  the  old  internal-revenue 
act.  Great  opposition  arose  to  this  bill  because  it  provided  for  a small 
tax  on  the  output  of  gold  mines.  This  provision  was  finally  eliminated, 
but  will  be  passed  in  the  next  session. 

G9348— 1429G 


38 


(5)  A bill  abolishin.5  the  bureau  of  navigation  ; This  bureau  operated 
a fleet  of  vessels  for  whicli  there  was  no  real  use  except  to  serve  as 
junketing  ships  for  the  higher  officials.  It  ran  a marine  repair  shop 
on  an  extravagant  liasis  and  supported  several  superfluous  and  mostly 
incompetent  high-salaried  officials.  It  was  apportioned  between  the 
bureau  of  customs  and  tlie  bureau  of  public  works.  Much  wailing  arose 
over  the  passage  of  tliis  measure. 

(C)  A bill  establishing  a board  of  public  utilities  commissioners,  pat- 
terned after  the  New  Jersey  public  utilities  law.  Indignation  in  railroad 
and  corporation  circles. 

(7)  A bill  limiting  the  sale  of  friar  lands  to  individuals  to  16  hectares 
and  the  sjtle  to  corporations  to  1,024  hectares.  One  hectare  is  about 
2J  acres. 

(St  A law  standardizing  the  hemp  product  of  the  island:  In  the 
past  different  concerns  had  different  brands  and  different  classifications 
and  marks.  This  resulted  in  much  inconvenience  and  dissatisfaction  to 
the  importers  abroad.  This  bill  was  denounced  by  the  hemp  brokers 
as  unfair,  but  the  manufacturers  abroad  approved  it  and  welcomed  it. 
The  dealers  and  growers  will  gi'eatly  benefit  by  it  as  well. 

(9)  .4n  antiopium  bill,  increasing  the  severity  of  sentences  for  the 
use  and  importation  of  opium. 

(10)  A patent-niediciae  bill  providing  for  the  labeling  and  adver- 
tising of  patent  medicines  and  so-called  therapeutic  appliances,  and  pro- 
viding adeqviate  punishment  for  infractors. 

(11)  A wireless  telegraph  bill,  grating  a franchise  to  the  Marconi 
Wii-eless  Co.  for  the  establishment  of  a station. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I feel  that  I have  given  the  committee  enough 
evidence  regarding  the  capacity  of  the  Filipino  people  to  legis- 
late for  themselves.  I might  well  stop  here,  since  no  further 
proof  is  needed.  There  is,  however,  one  more  witness  whom  I 
can  not  omit,  for  I feel  that  as  he  is  himself  a great  legislator 
the  committee  should  not  be  deprived  of  his  views  on  this  sub- 
ject. 

The  gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Miia-er]  during  his 
rather  hasty  trip  to  the  islands  last  year  paid  a visit  to  the 
Philippine  Assemblj'.  The  assembly  received  the  gentleman 
with  all  the  honors  becoming  a Member  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  Speaker  Osmeua  greeted  the  distinguished  vis- 
itor with  warm  words  of  welcome  and  asked  him  to  convey  to 
the  Congress  tlie  respect  and  regard  of  the  people  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands.  The  gentleman  from  Minnesota,  after  graciously 
returning  the  greetings  of  the  speaker,  said  somelhing  in  praise 
of  the  work  done  by  the  assembly.  It  had  been  mj-  fortune  and 
honor  to  act  as  a translator  for  the  gentleman  on  that  occasion, 
a didicult  task,  indeed,  for  his  speech  was,  as  usual,  very  elo- 
quent. It  was  almost  impossible  for  me  to  find  the  correspond- 
ing words  in  Spanish,  and  I am  not  even  sure  that  I quite  un- 
derstood what  he  said.  If  I did  not,  then  I unintentionally  and 
regretfully  misrepresented  him  to  the  assembly.  The  gentle- 
man can  tell  me  now  whether  I have  or  have  not  misrepresented 
him.  I sliall  not  undertake  to  repeat  his  own  eloquent  words, 
but  what  in  effect  I understood  him  to  say  is  that  the  assembly 
had  done  well  and  had  shown  its  capacity  to  legislate. 

Mr.  MILLEIl.  Has  the  gentleman  Cnished  the  quotation? 

IMr.  QUEZON.  That  is  not  all  that  the  gentleman  said,  but 
for  mv  puiTose  that  is  all  I care  to  cite  now. 

Mr.'MlELEIl.  It  was  so  long? 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Yes. 

Mr.  ISIILEElt.  I want  to  say  that  the  gentleman's  transla- 
tion at  the  time  was  perfect,  as  I gathered  from  my  knowledge 
of  the  Spanish,  and  that  his  statement  to-day  is  perfect,  with 
one  slight  exception. 

Jlr.  QUEZON.  AVhat  is  that? 

69348—14296 


39 


Mr.  MirXEE.  The  gentleiiiau  said  I told  the  Philippine 
Assenibly  it  had  done  splendidly.  I told  them  they  had  done 
splendidly  and  they  had  done  nobly 

Mr.  QUEZON.  That  is  true. 

Mr.  MILLER.  And  that  they  had  demonstrated  their  capacity 
as  legislators,  and  that  I was  in  favor  of  permitting  them  to 
elect  a senate.  So  I indorse  all  that  the  gentleman  said  and 
make  it  stronger. 

Mr.  QUEZON.  I am  glad  to  learn  that  I succeeded  in  under- 
standing and  translating  the  speech  of  my  distinguished  friend. 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  just  one  more  thing  I wish  to  say 
regai'ding  the  assembly,  in  connection  with  a statement  made 
by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Fess].  The  gentleman  sug- 
gested that  because  out  of  the  5G  members  of  the  constitutional 
convention  held  in  17S7,  29  were  college  bred,  this  fact  indicated 
conclusively  the  grade  of  literacy  and  political  capacity  in  the 
American  colonies. 

What  would  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  I 
told  him  what  is  true,  that  the  members  of  the  Philippine 
Assembly  are  81,  and  that  the  proportion  of  college  hred  among 
them  is  100  per  cent,  for  every  one  of  them  is  college  bred? 
[Applause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

COXFIKMATION  OF  APrOIXTMEN’TS. 

i\Ir.  Chairman,  I shall  now  take  up  the  matter  of  the  con- 
firmation by  the  Senate  of  the  Governor  General’s  appointments. 
This  is  one  of  the  most  important  features  of  the  bill,  and  it 
ought  not  to  require  much  argument  to  convince  the  committee 
of  its  wisdom.  You  have  this  provision  in  your  Federal  Con- 
stitution, because  your  fathers  knew  the  dangers  of  giving  too 
much  power  to  the  E.vecutive.  If  an  elective  President  can  not 
be  trusted  with  unlimited  discretion  in  the  appointment  of  the 
administrative  officials  of  the  Government,  how  could  anyone 
believe  that  an  appointive  Governor  General  could  be  safely  in- 
trustetl  with  such  a discretion?  Were  the  Governor  General 
of  the  Philippines  to  make  his  appointments  without  being  sub- 
ject to  confirmation  by  another  branch  of  the  government,  he 
could  easily  equal  the  Czar  of  Russia  iu  .so  far  as  absolute  power 
is  concerned,  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  veto  power 
vested  by  this  bill  in  the  Governor  General  is,  to  all  practical 
intents,  unlimited.  The  Governor  General  of  the  Philippines 
will,  under  the  terms  of  this  bill,  appoint  the  members  of  his 
(,'abinet  or  the  heads  of  the  executive  departments ; he  would 
further  appoint  all  those  officials  now  appointed  by  him,  or,  in 
other  words,  every  judge  of  the  courts  of  first  instance,  every 
justice  of  the  peace,  every  provincial  fiscal  (prosecuting  attor- 
nej’),  every  chief  and  assistant  chief  of  bureau,  every  provincial 
treasurer;  in  fine,  every  officer  of  the  judiciary,  excepting  the 
members  of  the  supreme  court,  and  the  most  important  positions 
of  the  executive  branch  of  the  Philippine  Government.  Can  any- 
one fail  to  see  what  a tremendous  power  this  lodges  in  the 
hands  of  a single  man?  flow  dangerous  a weapon  for  an 
unscrupulous  or  incompetent  Governor  General!  It  might  be 
harmless,  nay,  beneficial,  in  the  ca.se  of  a patriotic  Governor 
General  like  Francis  Burton  Harrison,  but  there  are  not  many 
of  Mr.  Harrison’s  type,  even  iu  the  United  States,  and  it  is 
enough  that  there  be  a possibility  of  an  unworthy  Governor 
General  to  justify  the  adoption  of  legislative  measures  that  will 
C9348— 1-1296 


40 


prevent  him  from  doing  his  worst.  Restrictive  laws  are  written 
for  the  wicked,  and  they  are  essential  to  the  protection  of 
society  as  long  as  humanity  has  the  weakness  of  the  fle.sh. 

NEW  CHANT  OF  FHANCHISE. 

Jilr.  Chairman,  I have  touched  upon  the  most  important 
changes  in  our  present  organic  law  as  contemplated  in  the  bill. 
There  are  only  two  more  innovations  which  deserve  comment  at 
this  time. 

The  qualifications  of  voters  now  required  by  law  in  the  Phil- 
ippines are  as  follows : 

Sec.  13.  Qualifications  of  voters  : Every  male  person  23  years  of  age 
or  over  who  has  had  a legal  residence  for  a period  of  six  months  imme- 
diately preceding  the  election  in  the  municipality  in  which  he  exercises 
the  suffrage,  and  who  is  not  a citizen  or  subject  of  any  foreign  power, 
and  who  is  comprised  within  one  of  the  following  three  classes  : 

(a)  Those  who,  prior  to  the  13th  of  August,  1898,  held  the  office  of 
municipal  captain,  gobernadorcillo,  alcalde,  lieutenant,  cabeza  de  baran- 
gay,  or  member  of  any  ayuntamlento. 

\b)  Those  who  own  real  property  to  the  value  of  P500,  or  who  annu- 
ally pay  1*30  or  more  of  the  established  taxes. 

(c)  Those  who  speak,  read,  and  write  English  or  Spanish  shall  be 
entitled  to  vote  at  all  elections  : Proviilcd.  That  officers,  soldiers,  sailors, 
or  marines  of  th«  Army  or  Na%T  of  the  fnited  .States  shall  not  be  con- 
sidered as  having  acquired  legal  residence  within  the  meaning  of  this 
section  by  reason  of  their  having  been  stationed  in  the  municipalities 
for  the  required  six  months. 

The  bill  reenacts  these  provisions,  but  it  adds  that  those  who 
can  read  and  write  in  any  language  may  also  vote.  Such  an 
innovation  is  wise  and  right.  There  are  many  literate  Filipinos 
educated  in  the  use  of  their  own  language  who,  because  they 
could  neither  write  Spanish  or  English,  are  disqualified  to 
vote  under  the  present  law.  It  is  unjustifiable  to  deprive  of 
the  franchi.se  those  Filipinos  who  can  inform  themselves  of  the 
rights  and  duties  of  citizenship  through  native  literature.  The 
proposed  innovation  would  at  once  increase  the  number  of  the 
I’hilippine  electorate  and  would  put  a stop  to  the  assertions 
of  the  past  few  years  that  the  paucity  of  electors  in  the  islands 
in  proportion  to  the  rest  of  the  population  furnishes  evidence  of 
the  incapacity  of  Filipinos  for  self-government. 

GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  NONCIIRISTIAN  “ TRIBES." 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  one  provision  in  the  bill  which  I must 
admit  I swallowed  only  after  much  effort  and  which  I have 
not  fully  as  yet  digested.  I refer  to  the  proposed  plan  for  gov- 
erning the  non-Christian  native  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines. 
There  are  about  000,000  of  these  non-Christians  in  the  total 
8,000,000  population  of  the  islands.  About  one-half  of  them  are 
pagans  and  the  other  half  Mohammedans.  The  immense  ma- 
jority, while  uncivilized  in  the  sense  that  they  have  not  ac- 
cepted occidental  civilization,  are  not,  however,  savages.  They 
live  in  villages  and  towns;  they  have  their  own  homes  and 
farms;  and  they  follow  regular  pursuits  of  life.  They  live 
under  well-organized  municipal  and  provincial  governments,  and 
they  pay  their  local  taxes.  A few  of  the  pagans  are  nomads, 
and  a few  others  up  to  a few  years  ago  were  head  hunters. 

We  have  all  heard  the  ridiculous  assertions  that  there  is  a 
lack  of  sympathy  between  the  Christian  and  the  non-Christian 
Filipinos,  and  that  the  former  can  not  be  trusted  to  govern 
the  latter.  As  for  placing  the  IMohammedans,  or  so-called 
Moros,  under  the  control  of  a Filipino  government,  we  are 
warned  of  the  horrors  that  would  follow  such  attempt.  Of 
C9348— 14296 


41 


course  there  Is  no  more  ground  for  such  statements  than  there 
is  for  the  charges  regarding  the  incapacity  of  the  Christian 
Filipinos  to  govern  themselves.  Both  aspersions  are  due  to  the 
same  cause — the  determination  of  certain  persciis  to  keep  in 
their  own  hands  the  tempting  job  of  ruling  both  non-Christian 
and  Christian  Filipinos. 

The  majority  members  of  the  insular  committee  had,  as  I 
understand  it,  to  face  the  fact  that  so  much  has  been  said  about 
this  supposed  antagonism  between  the  Christians  and  the  non- 
Christians  that  they  had  to  make  some  concession  to  those  who 
in  good  faith  fear  that  too  radical  a change  in  the  present  gov- 
ernment of  these  non-Christians  might  result  in  disaster.  With 
a rather  conservative  step  it  was  hoped  to  silence  in  part  the 
pessimistic  prophets.  As  regards  the  increase  of  the  powers  of 
the  Christian  Filipinos  to  govern  themselves,  while  opposition 
was  to  be  expected,  the  old  battle  cry  of  Filipino  incapacity 
could  be  answered  effectively  with  the  mere  recitation  of  pruofs 
to  the  contrary  already  afforded  by  the  Filipinos.  But  such 
an  answer  could  not  be  made  were  it  proposed  to  turn  the  non- 
Christians  completely  over  to  their  Christian  brothers,  because 
the  Christian  Filipinos  have  had  no  opportunity  thus  far  to 
govern  those  wards  of  the  Nation.  For  this  reason  some  sort 
of  compromise  measure  was  adopted. 

According  to  the  organic  law,  the  government  of  the  non- 
Christians  is  exclusively  vested  in  the  appointive  Philipi)ine 
Commission,  thus  allowing  the  Filipino  people  no  participation 
whatever  in  the  process  of  government.  The  commission  could 
appropriate  from  funds  in  the  treasury  raised  by  taxing  the 
Christian  Filipinos  any  sum  it  chose  to  spend  for  the  benefit  of 
the  non-Christians  without  consulting  the  assembly,  and  even 
in  the  face  of  its  protests.  This  power  has  been  abused  in  the 
past.  The  bill  proposes  that  the  government  of  these  non- 
Christians  shall  be  vested  in  the  Philippine  Legislature  pro- 
vided for  in  the  act,  but  that  they  shall  be  represented  in  the 
legislature  by  2 senators  and  10  representatives  appointed  by 
the  Governor  General. 

It  is  evident  that  this  new  proposal  is  better  and  less  un- 
democratic than  the  present  system,  and  I therefore  accept  it 
as  a lesser  and  only  a temporary  evil — temporary  because  the 
bill  provides  that  when  the  newly  created  legislature  shall  have 
couveued  it  may  revise  this  undemocratic  arrangement. 

PnACTICAL  TEST  OP  FIUPIXO  CAPACITV  OFFERED  BY  TUB  BILL. 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  one  point  that  the  promoters  of  the 
bill  can  make,  after  alt  is  said  on  both  sides  of  the  question, 
that  mu.st  effectively  destroy  all  argument  against  the  granting 
of  these  new  powers  to  the  Filipino  people.  That  point  is  this: 
The  great  merit  of  the  bill,  that  which  constitutes  its  most 
apparent  justilication,  is  that  it  offers  the  only  practical  means 
whereby  the  capacity  of  the  Filipino  people  for  self-government 
can  be  tested.  If  the  Filipinos  justify  themselves,  as  I know 
they  will,  then  this  issue  is  ended;  if  they  fail,  as  I know  they 
will  not,  then  the  Congress  may  return  to  the  present  systeiii 
of  ab.solute  American  control.  The  bill  is  framed  with  so  much 
regard  for  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  for 
that  of  the  Filipinos  themselves,  that  while  it  permits  the  Philii)- 
pine  Legislature  to  initiate  and  pass  all  sorts  of  legislation,  it 
resen-es  to  the  Governor  General  a qualified  and  to  the  President 
69348 — 14296 


42 


an  absolute  veto  power,  besides  tbe  constitutional  right  of  Con- 
gress to  annul  any  of  sucb  laws  after  tbej*  have  been  enacted. 
In  this  way  tbe  Filipino  people  can  do  notbing  that  will  jeopard- 
ize tbe  interests  of  the  American  people  or  seriously  affect  their 
own  should  the  experiment  result  in  a failure. 

THE  rnEAMBLE. 

INlr.  Chairman,  we  have  been  told,  both  by  the  ranking  member 
of  the  minority  on  the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs,  the  gen- 
tleman from  Iowa  [Mr.  Towner],  and  his  colleague  on  the  com- 
mittee [Mr.  Miller],  that  were  it  not  for  this  preamble,  which, 
the5'  say,  makes  the  bill  a partisan  measure,  there  would  have 
been  some  possible  agreement,  at  least  between  the  minority 
and  the  majority  members  of  the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs, 
as  to  most  of  the  legislative  provisions  of  the  bill. 

IMr.  Chairman,  the  spokesmen  for  the  minority  members  of  the 
Insular  Committee  ba^e  complained  of  the  attitude  taken  by 
the  majoritj’  members  of  that  committee  in  framing  the  bill. 
I submit  in  all  earnestness,  IMr.  Chairman,  that  whatever  may 
have  been  the  attitude  taken  by  the  Democrats  in  dealing  with 
the  Republicans  in  the  committee  room,  that  should  not  affect 
the  opinion  of  the  Republicans  as  to  the  intrinsic  merits  of  the 
measure.  It  may  be  true  that  the  gentleman  from  Virginia 
[Mr.  Jones]  and  the  other  majority  members  on  the  committee 
have  shown  a partisan  spirit  in  the  discussion  of  the  bill  in  the 
committee;  I do  not  know.  It  may  be  true — and,  indeed,  there 
can  be  no  dispute  about  it — that  this  is  a Democratic  measure 
in  the  sense  that  it  was  introduced  by  a Democratic  Member, 
reported  favorably  by  a Democratic  committee  of  the  House, 
and  indorsed  by  a Democratic  administration.  It  may  be  true, 
as  I can  see  it  clearly,  that  the  preamble  is  practically  a copy 
of  the  Philippine  plank  of  the  Democratic  platform,  and  that, 
therefore,  the  bill  is  a redemption  of  a Democratic  campaign 
pledge.  But  tins  does  not  make  it  a partisan  or  a political 
measure,  as  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  [^Ir.  Towner]  put  it,  nor 
should  it,  for  that  matter,  be  opposed  by  any  Republican  Mem- 
ber of  this  House. 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  preamble  is  not  a partisan  declaration ; 
it  is  not  an  expression  of  a partisan  policy.  It  is  the  con- 
gre.ssional  confirmation  of  all  the  declarations  made  by  the 
Chief  Executives  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  the 
world  and  to  the  Filipino  people  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Spanish-American  War  up  to  this  day  regarding  tbe  national 
policy  of  the  American  people  toward  the  inhabitants  of  the 
islands. 

Has  anyone  forgotten  those  memorable  words  of  the  late 
President  McKinley,  that — 

Forcible  .annexation,  according  to  the  American  code  of  morals,  is 
criminal  aggression. 

More  recent  and  more  to  the  point  are  the  declarations  made 
by  ex-President  Roosevelt  and  ex-President  Taft. 

Jlr.  Taft,  in  his  special  report  as  Secretary  of  War  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  in  1907,  said : 

There  arc  in  Ihe  I’hilippines  many  who  wish  that  the  Government 
shall  declare  a definite  policv  in  respect  to  the  islands  so  that  they 
may  know  what  that  policy  is.  I do  not  see  how  any  more  definite 
policy  can  be  declared  than' was  declared  by  President  McKinley  in  his 
instructions  to  tiecretary  Uoot  for  ihe  guidance  of  the  Philippine  Com- 
G93-1S— 1429G' 


43 


mission,  wliich  was  incorpm-atccl  into  l.aw  by  the  org.anic  net  of  tlio 
Philippine  Government,  adopter!  July  1,  1902.  That  policy  is  declared 
to  be  the  extension  of  selr-frovernment  to  the  I’hilippino  Islands  by 
gradual  steps  from  time  to  time  as  the'  people  of  tbe  islands  shall  show 
themselves  fit  to  receive  the  additional  responsibility.  * * * It 

necessarily  involves  in  its  ultimate  conclusion  as  the  steps  toward  self- 
government  become  greater  and  greater  the  ultimate  independence  of  the 
islands. 

Ex-President  Roosevelt,  in  bis  annual  message  to  tbe  Congress 
in  190S,  declared : 

I hope  and  believe  that  these  steps  mark  the  beginning  of  a course 
which  will  continue  til!  the  Filipinos  become  fit  to  decide  for  them- 
selves whether  they  desire  to  be  an  independent  nation. 

»»»*»** 

1 trust  that  within  a generation  the  time  will  arrive  when  the 
Philippines  can  decide  for  themselves  whether  it  is  well  for  them  to 
become  independent,  or  to  continue  under  the  protection  of  a strong 
and  disinterested  power,  able  to  guarantee  to  the  islands  order  at  home 
and  protection  from  foreign  invasion. 

After  sucb  autboritative  statements  from  men  wbo  are  tbe 
accredited  siiokesmen  of  your  respective  parties  aud  at  that 
time  were  leaders  of  tbe  Nation  as  well,  can  you  now.  gentlemen 
of  tbe  Republican  aud  Progressive  side  of  tlie  House,  turn  around 
and  repudiate  those  declarations  by  voting  against  tbis  pre- 
amble simply  because  its  language,  though  sub.stantially  the 
same  as  your  own  spokesmen’s  declarations,  is  literally  copied 
from  tbe  Baltimore  platform? 

To  tbe  Democratic  side  of  the  House  I have  but  very  little 
to  say  in  connection  with  tbe  preamble.  You  know  that  tbe  pre- 
amble is  practically  a recital  of  what  has  been  tbe  Philippine 
plank  of  your  platform  ever  since  tbe  Philippines  came  under  tbe 
Government  of  tbe  United  States,  and  without  frank  and  open 
disregard  of  that  pledge  you  can  not  vote  against  that  preamble. 
Moreover,  the  titular  leader  of  your  party  has  already  informed 
the  Filipino  people,  not  only  on  behalf  of  bis  Democratic  ad- 
ministration but  in  the  name  of  the  American  Nation,  that  the 
policy  of  this  Government  toward  tbe  islands  is  what  this  pre- 
amble states  it  to  be.  And  this  message  of  President  Wilson  has 
been  delivered  to  the  Filipinos  by  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison,  the  pres- 
ent representative  of  the  United  States,  on  tbe  solemn  occasion 
of  bis  arrival  in  tbe  Philippines,  in  tbe  following  address ; 

Citizens  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
has  charged  me  to  deliver  to  you  the  following  message  on  hehalf  of  the 
Government  of  our  country  ; 

“ We  regard  ourselves  as  trustees  acting  not  for  the  advantage  of  the 
United  States,  hut  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

“ Every  step  we  take  will  be  taken  with  a view  to  the  ultimate  inde- 
pendence of  the  islands  and  as  a preparation  for  that  independence. 
And  we  hope  to  move  toward  that  end  as  rapidly  as  the  safety  and  the 
permanent  interests  of  the  islands  will  permit.  After  each  step  taken 
experience  will  guide  us  to  the  next. 

The  administration  will  take  one  step  at  once  and  will  give  to  the 
native  citizens  of  the  islands  a majority  in  the  appointive  commission, 
and  thus  in  the  upper  as  well  as  in  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature  a 
majority  representation  will  be  secured  to  them. 

“ We  do  this  in  the  confident  hope  and  expectation  that  immediate 
proof  will  be  given  in  the  action  of  the  commission  under  the  new  ar- 
rangement of  the  political  capacity  of  those  native  citizens  who  have 
already  come  forward  to  represent  and  to  lead  their  people  in  affairs.” 

This  is  the  message  I bear  to  you  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  With  his  sentiments  and  with  his  policy  I am  in  complete 
accord.  Within  the  scope  of  my  office  as  Governor  General  I shall  do 
my  utmost  to  aid  in  the  fulfillment  of  our  promises,  confident  that  we 
shall  thereby  hasten  the  coming  of  the  day  of  your  independence.  For 
my  own  part  I should  not  have  accepted  the  responsibility  of  this  great 
69348—14206 


u 


office  merely  for  the  honor  and  the  power  which  it  confers.  My  only 
motive  in  coming  to  you  is  to  serve  as  well  as  in  me  lies  the  people  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  It  is  my  greatest  hope  that  I may  become  an 
instrument  in  the  further  spread  of  democratic  government. 

To  every  Democrat  fjovemment  rests  only  upon  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned. And  we  do  not  maintain  that  self-government  is  the  peculiar 
property  of  oiu’  nation  or  that  democratic  institutions  are  the  exclusive 
privileges  of  our  race.  On  the  other  hand,  we  do  not  believe  that  we 
can  endow  you  with  the  capacity  for  self-government.  That  you  must 
have  acquired  for  yourselves.  The  opportunity  of  demonstrating  it  lies 
before  you  now  in  an  ever-widenln.g  field. 

As  for  ourselves,  we  confidently  expect  of  you  that  dignity  of  bearing 
and  that  self-restraint  wh’ch  are  the  outward  evidences  of  daily  in- 
creasing national  consciousness.  In  promising  you  on  behalf  of  the 
administration  immediate  control  of  both  branches  of  your  legislature,  I 
remind  you.  however,  that  for  the  present  we  are  responsible  to  the 
world  for  your  welfare  and  .vour  progress.  Until  your  independence  is 
complete  we  shall  demand  of  you  unremitting  recognition  of  our  sov- 
erei.gnty. 

You  are  now  on  trial  before  an  international  tribunal  that  is  as  wide 
as  the  world.  We  who  appear  before  this  august  court  in  the  light  of 
your  advocates  are  proud  of  the  privilege  that  has  fallen  to  us,  and  we 
do  not  shun  the  responsibilities  of  our  role,  which  is  without  a parallel 
in  history.  We  shall  eagerly  await  convincin.g  proof  that  you  are 
capable  of  establishing  a stable  government  of  your  own.  Such  a gov- 
ernment may  not  necessarily  denote  an  entire  reproduction  of  our  own 
institutions.' but  one  which  guarantees  to  its  citizens  complete  security 
of  life,  of  liberty,  and  of  property.  We  now  invite  you  to  share  with  us 
responsibility  for  such  a goveniment  here.  Every  Filipino  may  best 
serve  his  countr.v  who  serves  us  in  this  endeavor,  and  to  that  end*  I call 
upon  every  good  citizen  of  these  islands,  and  all  who  dwell  therein, 
whether  of  native  or  foreign  birth,  for  assistance  and  support. 

People  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  a new  era  is  dawning.  We  place 
within  your  reach  the  instruments  of  your  redemption.  The  door  of 
opportunity  stands  open  and  under  Divine  Providence  the  event  is  in 
your  own  hands. 

[Applause  on  the  Democratic  side.l 

Mr.  Chairman,  that  message  of  I’re.sident  Wilson  and  the 
words  of  Gov.  Harrison,  with  which  he  delivered  to  us  that 
message,  as  well  as  every  prior  similar  declaration  made  by 
former  Presidents  and  Governors  General  have  been  received 
by  the  Filipino  people  as  the  solemn  promise  of  the  American 
people  to  grant  independence  to  the  Philiitpiue.s.  To  us  there 
are  no  Democratic  Presidents  or  Democratic  Governors  Gen- 
eral, no  Republican  Presidents  or  Republican  Governors  Gen- 
eral. There  are  to  us  hut  American  -Presidents  and  American 
Governors  General,  and  what  the.v  say  and  do  we  receive  as 
words  and  actions  of  their  Nation  itself.  What  a terrible  dlsjip- 
pointment  it  would  he  to  the  Filipino  people  if  the  Congress 
were  now  to  repudiate  those  declarations  by  the  defeat  of  the 
preamble  I -^nd  how  such  a repudiation  would  shake  the  faith 
of  the  Filipino  people  in  this  Nation  I 

Mr.  Chairman,  some  say  that  this  preamble  is  worthless 
because  it  is  not  actuall.v  a part  of  the  bill,  and  is  therefore 
without  force.  If  so,  then  there  should  not  be  much  opposition 
to  it,  for  if  left  in  the  hill  it  can  do  no  harm.  As  for  myself  I 
value  this  ]neamble  for  its  full  worth.  It  is  the  one  feature  of 
the  bill  that  will  permit  the  Filipino  peoiile,  even  while  you 
still  retain  your  sovereignty  over  the  i.slands,  to  feel  that  they 
can  lift  their  heads  so  long  bowed  in  hoiieless  sub.)oction.  It  is 
the  one  feature  of  the  l)ill  thai  will  permit  the  Filipino  jieople  to 
look  to  the  days  of  the  morrow  with  joyous  hearts,  full  of  hope 
and  e.Kpectation.  It  is  the  one  feature  of  the  liill  that  will  per- 
mit the  Filipino  people  to  look  at  your  llag,  even  while  it  floats 

0<Jo48— i-i:iOO 


45 


over  our  public  buildings  and  edifices,  as  the  ensign  not  of 
physical  force  exercised  for  the  permanent  domination  of  a weak 
people,  but  as  the  symbol  of  the  generous  purpose  of  a great 
country  to  help  a smaller  nation  that  strives  to  be  free  to  at- 
tain its  goal,  to  stand  some  day  soon  upon  its  own  feet  and 
move  forward  thereafter  unaided  and  uncontrolled.  [Applause 
on  the  Democratic  side.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  eyes  of  the  Filipino  people  are  now  upon 
the  Congress,  and  at  this  particular  time  upon  this  House. 
They  live  breathless  with  the  horrible  suspense  caused  by  the 
doubt  as  to  what  you  will  do  with  this  bill.  On  this  occa- 
sion, momentous  as  it  is  to  the  destinies  of  that  people,  they 
apijeal  to  j’ou  not  as  Democrats,  Republicans,  or  Progressives, 
but  as  Americans  representing  the  people  that  of  their  own 
accord  have  proclaimed  themselves  as  the  champions  of  human 
freedom.  Would  you  fail  them,  you  who  have  sacrificed  so 
much  in  life  and  in  treasure  on  the  altar  of  this  sacred  cause? 
Would  you  fail  them,  you  whose  example,  whose  influence, 
whose  sympathy  have  in  the  past  inspired  other  subject  na- 
tions and  have  helped  them  to  attain  their  freedom?  Would  you 
fail  them,  you  who  have  gone  to  war  in  order  to  liberate  Cuba? 
Would  you  fail  them,  you  who  have  encouraged  them  to  oA'er- 
throw  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  and  accepted  their  assistance  in 
the  Spanish-American  War?  Would  you  fail  them,  after  so 
many  of  your  implied  as  well  as  expressed  promises  of  rapid  ex- 
tension to  them  of  self-government  and  ultimate  independence? 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  Filipino  people  have  resorted  to  every 
means  to  secure  their  freedom,  and  what  they  have  done  shows 
that  they  deserve  to  be  free.  They  have  shown  to  the  world 
that  they  are  a people  conscious  of  and  longing  to  secure  their 
national  rights.  Scores  of  thousands  of  their  sons  have  laid 
down  their  lives  and  millions  upon  millions  of  their  wealth  have 
been  destroyed  for  the  sake  of  that  one  most  precious  boon 
granted  to  humanity  by  God  Almighty.  Failing  in  this  struggle 
because  of  their  lack  of  suflicient  physical  strength,  they  have 
tilled  the  soil,  they  have  searched  the  mysteries  of  science,  they 
have  learned  to  appreciate  the  beauties  of  art,  they  have  famil- 
iarized themselves  and  complied  with  their  duties  as  citizens, 
hoping  against  hope  that  what  they  could  not  win  in  battle  they 
might  gain  through  their  industry,  their  culture,  and  their  en- 
lightened and  patriotic  citizenship. 

The  Filipino  people,  Mr.  Chairman,  beg  you  to  pass  this  bill. 
Indeed,  they  contend  that  they  have  given  enough  proofs  of  their 
capacity  for  self-government  to  warrant  a complete  delivery  to 
them  of  unrestricted  powers  of  government.  But  since  it  is  said 
that  this  bill  is  all  you  are  now  disposed  to  consider  and  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  they  have  absolute  confidence  in  the  ximerican 
people,  they  are  willing  to  accept  this  bill  as  the  first  serious 
and  earnest  step  toward  their  political  emancipation. 

SIIALL  GOA’ERXMENT  OF  TUB  PEOPLE,  BY  THE  PEOPLE,  FOB  THE  PEOPLE 
PERISH  FROM  THE  EARTH? 

Mr.  Chairman,  sixscore  and  eighteen  years  ago  your  fore- 
fathers “brought  forth  on  this  continent  a new  nation,  con- 
ceived in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men 
are  created  equal.” 

It  was  once  questioned  whether  this  proposition  was  applicable 
to  all  men  residing  within  the  confines  of  that  Nation,  regardless 
69348—14290 


4G 


of  tlieir  color  or  their  race.  The  world,  which  has  doubted 
“ whether  that  Nation,  or  any  Nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedi- 
cated,” could  “ long  endure,”  watched  with  eager  eyes  the  out- 
come of  this  issue.  Your  fathers  “ gave  their  lives  that  that 
Nation  might  live.”  “From  these  honored  dead”  the  survivors 
took  “ increased  devotion  to  that  course  for  which  ” their  noble 
comrades  “ gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion.”  They  highly 
resolved  “ that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain;  that  that 
Nation,  under  God,  shall  have  a new  birth  of  freedom ; and 
that  government  of  the  iieople,  by  the  people,  for  the  people 
shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.” 

Mr.  Chairman,  twoscore  and  eleven  years  have  gone  by  since 
this  sacred  resolve  was  sworn  to.  To-day  the  doctrine  of  the 
government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people  is  chal- 
lenged. Shall  you  renew  that  resolve,  or  shall  you  demonstrate 
ttiat  those  dead  have  died  in  vain?  [Loud  applause.] 


FRIDAY,  OCTOBER  2,  1914. 

A Word  on  General  Aguinaldo. 

Mr.  Kaux.  The  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  DickixsoxI  stated  in 
effect  that  at  the  time  the  Americans  went  into  the  Philippine  Islands 
the  natives  had  about  accomplished  their  independence;  that  thereupon 
we  came  in  and  took  possession  of  the  islands.  Jly  friend  from  Mis- 
souri is  not  familiar  with  I’hilippine  history.  Nearly  six  months  before 
our  entrance  upon  the  scene  the  leaders  of  the  revolution  against  Spain 
had  sold  out  their  people.  They  agreed  to  accept  P800.000,  and  in  con- 
sideration thereof  some  of  their  loaders,  including  Aguinaldo,  promised 
to  lay  down  their  arms  and  to  quit  the  islands  forever.  • » * 

Ml'.  QUEZON.  Jlr.  Chairman,  I wish  to  say  a few  words  in 
behalf  of  Geu.  Aguinaldo.  I was  at  one  time  an  officer  in  the 
riiilippine  army,  having  left  colle.ge  in  resiiouse  to  the  call  of 
my  country  to  ti.ght  under  her  Hag.  For  several  months  I was 
on  the  staff  of  Gen.  Aguinaldo,  then  President  of  the  I'hilippine 
Republic  and  commanding  general  of  its  army.  I had  occasion, 
therefore,  to  know  Gen.  Aguinaldo  well  :md  intimately,  and  from 
personal  oliservation  I can  assert  without  fear  of  successful  con- 
tradiction that  he  is  a man  of  high  character  and  jiatriotism. 

The  revolution  against  .Spain  was  the  outcome  of  a long  peace- 
ful campaign  carried  on,  at  first  not  precisely  for  independence, 
but  to  secure  from  the  Spanish  Crown  a more  liberal  government 
in  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  revolution  started  in  1800,  and  in 
1807  the  Spanish  governor  general  at  Manila  sought  to  secure 
peace  by  reaching  an  understanding  with  the  Filii)ino  leaders  of 
the  rebellion.  It  was  agreed  between  tlie  governor  general  and 
these  leaders  that  the  reliels  should  lay  down  their  arms  on  the 
following  terms:  That  the  liberal  reforms  demanded  by  the 
Filipinos  be  inslituted  in  the  government  of  the  Pliilipinnes; 
that  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  he  not  interfered  with  and 
leave  the  country  unmolested;  and  that  PSuo.OOO  in  Mexi- 
can money — then  the  currency  of  the  l’hilipi>ine  Islands — 
be  given  to  these  leaders  by  the  Spanish  Government  as 
indemnity  for  the  damages  they  had  suffered  on  account  of 
the  revolution,  as  payment  for  the  guns  iliat  they  surren- 
dereil,  and  as  a means  of  providing  for  their  sui)port  and  main- 
tenance abroad.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Spanish  Goveru- 
C034S— 1429G 


47 


ment  bad  agreed  to  grant  the  liberal  reforms  earlier  asked  for  by 
the  Filipino  people  before  the  revolution  started  no  one  can  ques- 
tion the  right,  nay,  the  duty,  of  the  Filipino  revolutionists  to  end 
a contest  which  was  causing  so  much  loss  of  life  and  property 
to  our  country,  and  which  evidently,  at  that  time,  could  not 
accomplish  more  than  what  Spain  had  promised  to  concede. 
Aguiualdo,  therefore,  and  his  followers  left  the  land  that  they 
had  hoped  to  live  and  die  in  not  to  return  again.  But  they  were 
willing  to  make  this  sacrifice  and  to  go  far  from  their  beloved 
ones,  so  that  their  people  might  receive  and  enjoy  in  peace  the 
liberal  reforms  that  were  promised  them.  Had  these  Filipino 
exiles,  who  had  volunteered  to  sacrifice  themselves  for  their 
country,  used  the  money  paid  them  by  the  Spanish  Government 
for  their  comfortable  living  abroad,  could  they  not  have  found 
justification  of  their  conduct? 

I have  no  doubt  that  if  the  Filipino  people  had  been  asked  at 
the  time  to  say  whether  or  not  their  mi.sery-stricken  com- 
patriots should  appropriate  the  money  they  had  received,  the 
' answer  would  have  been  in  the  atfirmatlve.  Yet  Aguinaldo  and 
his  companions  deposited  that  money — which  never  reached  the 
total  sum  promised — in  the  banks  and  used  ouly  the  interest 
thereof  for  their  bare  existence.  They  lived  in  Hongkong  in 
almost  complete  poverty.  They  considered  the  money  as  a 
trust  fund  and  kept  it  intact  for  patriotic  purposes.  They 
decided  that  if  Spain,  after  they  had  left  the  Philippines,  should 
fail  to  grant  to  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  the  liberal 
reforms  that  were  premised,  they  would,  as  it  was  thpir  right, 
use  that  sum  to  purchase  arms  with  which  they  would  compel 
the  Spanish  Government  to  comply  with  the  agreement. 

When  Spain  failed  to  comply  with  her  part  of  the  bargain, 
when  she  refu.sed  to  introduce  in  the  Philippines  those  reforms 
that  were  asked,  Aguinaldo  did  use  that  money  to  buy  guns,  and 
with  those  guns  he  helped  the  United  States  wage  her  war  with 
Spain.  Our  aim  in  helping  the  United  States  is  well  known,  and 
I shall  not  discuss  it  now.  But  I want  to  say  that  before  Ameri- 
can soldiers  were  landed  in  any  part  of  the  archipelago  we  had 
taken  every  town  garrisoned  by  the  Spanish  army,  with  the 
exception  of  Manila,  which  was  under  siege,  so  that  the  United 
Statesjiad  to  send  only  a few  thousand  men  to  compel  the  sur- 
render of  the  garrison  of  Manila. 

I want  to  say  another  word  about  Gen.  Aguinaldo.  As  I said 
before,  I know  him  personally.  I had  served  under  him.  As 
gentlemen  are  aware,  Aguinaldo  at  one  time  wielded  great  power 
in  the  Philippines.  During  the  revolution  he  was  the  supreme 
militaiw  chief,  with  the  powers  of  a dictator,  just  as  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  would  be  here  in  case  of  war.  He  had 
the  physical  power  to  do  with  the  treasure  of  the  then  inde- 
pendent Philippine  Government  what  he  chose.  When  he  was 
captured  by  Gen.  Fuuston,  after  having  exercised  this  undis- 
puted authority  for  more  than  two  years,  Aguinaldo  was  as  poor 
as  he  was  when  the  war  sLarted.  [Applause  on  the  Democratic 
side.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  I do  not  wish  to  make  invidious  comparisons, 
but  I want  to  ask  you  how  many  revolutionar.y  chiefs  in  other 
parts  of  the  world  who  have  been  in  the  position  of  Gen.  Agui- 
naldo have  done  what  Aguiualdo  did?  How  mau5'  have  been 
C9348— 1420G 


48 


willing  to  go  back  to  tbeir  homes  as  poor  as  ever  after  having 
had  in  their  possession  so  much  money  that  they  could  have 
appropriated  without  (luestion?  Agninaldo  is  not  a rich  man 
to-day.  He  is  a modest  farmer.  He  has  not  accepted  any  posi- 
tion from  the  American  (iovernment,  although  it  is  authorita- 
tively stated  that  he  was  offered  a good  one.  He  is  not  even  in 
politics  now. 

Why?  He  wanted  to  show  the  world  that  he  fought  for  his 
counuy,  not  because  of  any  desire  for  personal  profit  or  power, 
but  out  of  patriotism,  and  that  when  he  could  not  fi.ght  any 
longer  he  could  go  to  his  home  and  lead  a peaceful  and  modest 
life,  the  life  of  a good  citizen,  working  upon  his  farm,  as  he  is 
doing  now.  'I'lius  Agninaldo  has  demonstratetl  that  the  Filipinos 
who  had  known  how  to  fight  know  likewise  how  to  work  in  time 
of  peace.  I need  say  no  more.  [Applause  on  the  Democratic 
side.] 


TUESDAY,  OCTOBEE,  6,  1914. 

Freedom  of  Religion. 

Mr.  Mrnu.w  offered  the  following  amendment : 

“ That  II.  It.  lS4.1!t  be  amended  as  follows  ; 

'•  ‘ On  page  5.  line  9.  strike  out  the  period,  insert  a semicolon,  and  add 
the  following  : " and  no  religious  test  shall  be  required  for  the  exercise 
of  civil  or  political  rights.  No  public  money  or  property  shall  ever  he 
appropriated,  applied,  donated,  or  used,  directly  or  indirectly,  for  the 
u.se,  benefit,  or  support  of  any  sect,  church,  denomination,  or  system  of 
religion,  of  for  the  i:se,  benefit,  or  support  of  any  priest,  preacher,  min- 
ister, or  other  religious  teacher  or  dignitary  or  sectarian  institution  as 
such.  Polygamous  or  plural  marriages  are  forever  prohibited.”  ’ ” 

Mr.  QUEZON.  IMr.  Chairman,  I wish  to  say,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  from 
Oklahoma  [Mr.  !MurkayJ,  that  the  Filipino  people  believe 
itlisolutely  and  heartily  in  religions  freedom.  Immediately 
after  our  successful  revolution  against  Spain  the  Filipino  people 
liroceetled  at  once  to  frame  a constitution  for  the  Itepublic  of 
the  I’ilippine.s.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  islands  during  the 
.■{(JO  years  of  Spanish  domination  had  had  only  one  church — the 
Homan  Catholic — which  was  also  the  State  church  of  Spain,  and 
notwithstanding  that  the  framers  of  the  constitution  of  the 
Philippine  Itepublic  were  all  Catholics,  one  of  the  provisions 
of  tliat  constitution  guaranteed  freedom  of  worship,  freedom 
of  religion.  May  I call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  this 
remarkable  event  which  indicates  that  the  Filipinos  are,  as  it 
were,  b.v  temperament,  a liberty-loving  people?  The  history  of 
tile  world  shows  that  no  country  which  has  been  for  centuries 
under  the  influence  of  a single  church,  and  which  church  was  an 
integral  part  of  its  political  institutions,  has  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing religious  freeilom  without  bloodshed.  Page  after  page 
of  huinan  history  tell  of  the  martyrs  of  religious  intolerance. 
This  country  of  yours  was  founded  by  those  who  would  sooner 
give  up  their  homes  than  permit  the  State  to  dictate  whom  they 
shall  worship.  Cromwell  thought  himself  the  instrument  of 
I’rovidence  to  destroy  the  church  of  those  who,  like  him,  claimed 
that  Christ  was  their  Savior. 

Every  country  of  Europe,  many  of  Latin  America  and  of  Asia, 
are  guilty  of  the  crime  of  religious  persecution,  but  we  have  seen 
G934S— 14”06 


49 


nothing  of  the  kind  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  As  I said  before, 
during  the  short  life  of  the  Philippine  Republic  we  established 
reli.gious  freetloui ; and  when  the  United  States  superseded  our 
government  she  brought  with  her  one  of  the  most  precious 
rights  of  American  citizenshiii — the  liberty  of  the  individual  to 
worship  God  in  his  own  way.  And  all  this  was  done  not  only 
without  opposition  but  with  the  hearty  consent  of  the  whole 
Filipino  people. 

To-day  the  majority  of  the  Filipinos  are  still  Roman  Cath- 
olics. Few  belong  to  the  Aglipayan  or  native  church;  few 
others  have  become  Protestants.  But  they  all  live  side  by  side 
in  perfect  harmony ; they  work  hand  in  hand,  and  they  vote 
according  to  their  political  ideas,  without  regard  to  their 
religious  convictions.  Freedom  of  religion  has  been  established 
in  the  Philippine  Islands  once  and  for  good.  ’ We  realize  that 
such  freedom  is  to  the  interest  of  the  Catholics  as  much  as  of 
Protestants. 

I do  not  therefore  object  to  that  part  of  the  amendment  of  the 
gentleman  from  Oklahoma  [Mr.  Murray]  which  insures  the 
separation  between  the  church  and  the  state.  But  I deemed  it 
necessary  to  state  that  the  Philippine  Legi.slature  hardly  needs 
this  constitutional  inhibition.  The  I’rotestant  Church  can  rest 
assured  that  the  people  of  the  Philippines,  Catholic  though  the 
majority  of  them  be,  will  receive  as  fair  a treatment  from  the 
Philippine  Government  as  the  Catholic  Church  or  any  other. 

As  to  pol.vgamj-,  this  has  not  existed  among  the  Christian 
P'ilipiuos  within  the  last  300  years.  [Applause.] 


TUESDAY,  OCTOBEK  6,  1914. 

The  Truth  About  “ Slavery  ” in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Mr.  Fess.  of  Ohio,  introduced  the  following  amendment ; 

Page  4.  at  the  end  of  line  3.  strike  out  the  period  and  insert  a eomma, 
and  add  the  following:  “ Or  held  in  satisfaction  of  the  same  in  Involun- 
tary servitude  by  his  creditor.” 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Cl’airman.  whether  the  gentleman  from 
Tennessee  [Mr.  Garrett]  is  or  is  not  right  in  his  contention, 
that  the  object  of  the  amendment  introduced  by  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio  [Mr.  Fess]  is  accomplished  by  the  provision  of  the 
last  paragraph  on  page  4,  I am  prepared  to  say  that  I should 
not,  so  far  as  the  object  aimed  at  is  concerned,  have  the  slight- 
est objection  to  having  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  put  into  the  bill. 

I regret,  however,  that  the  gentleman  thought  it  necessary 
in  the  di.scussion  of  his  ameudment  to  revive  the  question  of 
the  supposed  slavery  and  peonage  in  the  Philippines. 

I am  particularly  regretful  that  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
should  have  renewed  the  discussion  of  this  subject,  because  the 
matter  he  refers  to  has  been  thoroughly  investigated  by  the 
most  unimpeachable  authdt’ities  and  has  been  fully  disposed  of. 
This  discussion  is,  therefore,  out  of  date,  and  certainly  throws 
no  light  upon  this  bill. 

So  far  as  I know;  this  issue  was  raised  for  the  first  time  in 
the  United  States  early  in  1913,  when  a resolution  of  inquiry 
regarding  the  question  of  slavery  was  introduced  in  the  Senate. 
This  resolution  grew  out  of  an  article  in  the  National  Humane 
Review,  largely  made  up  of  a letter  written  by  the  then  secre- 
C9348— 1420G 4 


50 


tnry  of  the  interior  of  the  Thilippiue  Gnverninent,  Mr.  Dean  H. 
M’orce.ster,  in  whicli  ^Tr.  Worcester  iinnle  the  chnrfie  in  question. 
In  due  time  this  rosoliuion  was  answered  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  in  a letter  reuling  in  part  as  follows: 

War  Departmen’t, 

^Yalshin(Jtcn,  May  6,  1913. 

The  Tresidext  or  the  Sex.^te. 


f>iu:  I 1)pg  leave  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  following  reso- 
lution of  llie  Senate  : 

“Resolved.  That  the  Secretary  of  War  be.  and  he  is  hereby,  directed 
to  send  to  the  Senate  any  and  all  facts  bearing  directly  or  Indirectly 
upon  the  truth  of  the  charge  publicly  made  that  human  slavery  exists 
at  this  time  in  the  Philippine  Islands  and  that  human  beings  are  bought 
and  sold  in  sucli  islands  as  chattels.” 

In  response  thereto  I beg  leave  to  state  as  follows: 

There  is  cot  in  this  department,  to  the  knov.-ledge  of  the  Secretary 
thereof  or  of  the  head  of  the  bureau  having  charge  of  insular  atfaiis, 
a record  of  any  facts  bearing  directly  or  indirectly  upon  the  truth  of 
the  charge,  publicly  made,  that  human  slavery  exists  at  this  time  in  tlie 
Philippine  Islands  and  that  human  beings  are  bought  and  sold  in 
such  islands  as  chattels. 

The  only  information  concerning  this  matter  of  which  there  is  any 
record  in  this  department  or  the  branch  of  it  having  to  do  with  insular 
affairs  is  the  following: 

In  a hearing  before  the  Committee  on  Insular  .\ffairs  of  the  House 
of  llepresentativcs,  on  Wednesday,  I'ebruary  10,  1904,  Mr.  Taft,  then 
Secretary  of  War.  said  : 

“ I have  no  doubt  that  slavery  continues  in  part  of  the  Moro 
Province,  and  that  there  is  some  slavery  in  some  of  the  Christian 
I'ilipino  Provinces  tliat  lie  near  to  the  mountain  tribes.  This  latter 
we  are  trying  hard  to  eliminate.  1 l)ad  a report  from  a constabulary 
officer  from  the  Province  of  Isabela,  saying  that  it  was  not  the  gener.a'l 
custom,  hut  that  it  was  not-  uncommon  for  hill-tribe  narents  to  bring 
their  children  into  a Filipino  viliagc  and  to  sell  a child  to  a wealthy 
man  in  the  village  who  would  ii.-;c  him  as  a servant.  That  is  contrary 
to  law.  and  we  have  directed  prosecution  in  every  case  brought  to  our 
attention.” 

The  foregoing  is  taken  from  the  printed  report  of  the  hearings  before 
the  Ilouse  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs. 

It  would  seem  from  such  investigation  as  time  has  permitted  to  be 
made  of  the  law  existing  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  that  there  are  pro- 
visions in  the  criminal  code,  both  with  respect  to  that  part  of  said 
islands  inhal)ited  by  Moros  or  other  non-Christian  tribes  and  fully 
organized  Christian  Provinces,  covering  unlawful  detention,  whether 
called  slavery  or  not,  as  a result  of  which  a person  unlawfully  detaining 
another  or  coercing  him  to  work  against  his  will  may  be  imprisoned 
and  fined. 

Very  respectfully,  Lixdlet  M.  Garrisox. 

Hecrelary  of  ll'ar. 


One  would  think,  Mr.  Clmirnian.  that  this  should  have  been  ti 
sufficient  reply  to  the  injurious  suggestion  originating  with  the 
former  secretary  of  the  interior  of  the  Philippines,  but,  as  it 
hapiieued,  further  conclusive  evidence  on  the  subject  was  also 
furni.shed  to  the  American  public  in  a statement  issued  by 
former  Justice  James  F.  Tracey,  of  the  insular  supreme  court. 
Justice  Tracey  said,  in  a letter  published  in  the  New  York 
Times : 

The  April  numl)cr  of  the  National  Humane  Review,  the  organ  of  the 
American  Humane  Association,  published  an  article  headed  " Human 
Slavery  Still  Exists  Under  the  United  States  Flag,”  made  up  chiefly 
of  a letter  fi-om  Hon.  Dean  C.  Worcester,  secretary  of  the  Interior  of  the 
Philippine  Islands,  to  Dr.  William  O.  Stillman,  president  of  the  Humane 
Association.  To  this  article  currency  is  given  by  the  publication  of  a 
summar.v  of  it  in  your  issue  of  this  morning  in  a dispatch  from  Wash 
ington  printed  under  the  caption  " Slaves  Even  in  Manila.”  The  deduc- 
tion drawn  from  the  supposed  condition  of  slaver.v  in  the  islands  is  that 
the  Philippine  Assembly  l>.v  refusing  to  pass  a bill  punishing  slavery 
throughout  the  islands  as  a crime  has  demonstrated  its  incapacity  as  a 
legislature  to  deal  with  this  modern  humane  problem. 

G934S— 14290 


51 


Mr.  Worcester’s  charge  is  largely  based  on  (ho  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  I’hilippine  Islands,  the  syllabus  of  which  is  quoted  by  him 
at  length,  as  follows ; 

“ There  is  at  present  no  law  punishing  slave  holding  as  a crime. 

“ The  constitutional  provision  of  the  I’hilippine  bill  ‘ that  neither 
slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  shall  exist  in  these  islands.’  while 
cijerating  to  nullify  any  agreement  in  contravention  of  it.  requires  sup- 
pletory  legislation  to  give  it  effect  criminally. 

“ We  are  dealing  not  with  a civil  remedy  but  with  a criminal  charge 
in  relation  to  which  the  Bill  of  Rights  defines  no  crime  and  provides 
no  punishment.  Its  effects  can  not  be  carried  into  the  realm  of 
criminal  law  without  an  act  of  the  legislature.” 

It  happens  that  to  me,  as  one  of  the  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  riiilippine  Islands  at  the  time,  was  assigned  the  writing  of  the 
opinion  of  the  court  in  the  case,  which  is  reported  at  page  04  of  the 
eighth  volume  of  the  rhilippine  Reports,  now  before  me.  Without  desir- 
ing a controversy  with  Mr.  Woreester  or  Gen.  McIntyre,  also  mentioned 
in  .vour  Washington  dispatch.  I feel  it  incumbent  on  me  to  promptly 
call  attention  to  the  substance  of  this  decision.  'The  record  before  the 
court  shows  not  that  slavery  existed  in  any  form  throughout  the 
I'hilipiiine  Islands,  but  only  a custom  of  child  servitude  or  apprentice- 
ship in  certain  mountain  regions.  The  opinion  says  : 

"It  is  proved  in  the  case  that  it  is  an  Igorot  custom  to  dispose  of 
children  to  pay  the  debts  of  their  fathers,  the  transaction  in  the  native 
language  being  termed  a sale,  and  the  defendant  appears  to  have  en- 
gaged in  the  business  of  buying  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  children  to  sell  in 
the  lowlands  of  Isabela.  * * * 

••  'The  name  applied  to  It  by  the  custom  of  the  Igorots  is  not  enough 
to  establish  that  in  truth  and  in  effect  it  was  a sale  or  anything  more 
than  a contract  for  services.  * » * 

■■  The  employment  or  custody  of  a minor  with  the  consent  or  suffer- 
ance of  the  parents  or  guardian,  although  against  the  child’s  own  will, 
can  not  bo  considered  involuntary  servitude.” 

It  is  iikened  to  an  jndcnluring  of  children,  in  accordance  with  custom, 
unprotected  by  statutory  safeguards.  After  calling  attention  both  to 
the  American  constitutional  declarations  against  servitude  and  the 
humane  provisions  of  the  Spanish  codes  prohibiting  the  abuse  of  minors, 
ns  well  as  the  declaration  of  the  Spanish  law  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury that  “ slavery  is  a thing  that  ail  men  naturally  abhor,”  the  court 
su.ggests  that  any  remedy  is  for  tlie  consideration  of  the  legislature 
rather  than  action  by  the  criminal  courts. 

The  further  inference  is  to  be  drawn  from  Mr.  Worcester’s  letter 
that  antislavcry  laws  were  thereafter  passed  applicable  to  the  moun- 
tain I’rovinces  and  the  Moro  I’roviuce,  and  the  offense  which  he  finds 
is  that  the  legislature  refuses  to  apply  a similar  law  to  the  civilized 
parts  of  the  Islands.  The  reason  for  the  refusal  Is  plain.  The  assembly 
does  not  consider  that  slavery  exists  in  the  civilized  parts  of  the 
islands.  It  is  stated  in  the  letter  that  “ there  arc  Negrito  slaves  held 
to-day  in  the  city  of  JIanila.”  If  this  is  so,  their  liberation  can  be 
enforced  any  day  through  a writ  of  habeas  corpus.  I am  too  well  aware 
of  Mr.  Worcester's  skill  as  a seasoned  controversialist  to  believe 
that  he  has  ventured  upon  a specific  assertion  without  holding  some 
proof  of  it  in  reserve.  I can  only  say  that  having  been  some  .years  a 
resident  of  JIanila  in  ofllcial  position,  such  a condition  of  things  is 
unknown  to  me,  as  it  was  unknown  to  my  colleagues,  some  of  whom 
have  resided  in  the  Philippine  Islands  all  their  lives.  The  condition 
must  be  exceptional  and  abnormal,  as  it  is  illegal,  existing  in  the 
islands,  as  phrased  by  Gen.  Jlcintyre,  “ Just  as  crime  exists  every- 
where.” 

It  may  also.be  observed  that  for  years  before  the  organization  of  the 
Philippine  Assembly  the  legislation  of  the  I'hiiippine  Isiands  was  in  the 
hands  of  a commission  dominated  by  Americans,  having  in  its  power 
the  passage  of  an  antislavery  law  on  any  day  at  any  hour.  The  re- 
proach, if  it  be  genuine,  lies  with  far  greater  force  against  the  Ameri- 
can commission  than  the  Philippine  Assembly,  in  view  of  the  existence 
of  this  species  of  servitude  in  the  mountain  I’rovinces,  which  were  im- 
mediately under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secretary  of  the  interior. 

It  has  passed  into  an  adage  that  “ you  can  not  indict  a whole  people.” 
All  history  proves  that  by  innuendo  you  may  calumniate  a whole 
people.  I may  ho  permitted  to  say  that  while  not  one  of  those  who  think 
I’hilippine  independence  a timely  or  tenable  thing  to-day,  I deplore 
the  creation  of  a public  opinion  in  this  country  based  on  misconception 
of  a subject  that  truly  needs  all  the  light  that  can  be  shed  on  it  by 
men  holding  ofiicial  places. 

James  F.  Teacet. 

Albaxy,  May  3,  1913. 

C0348— 1429C 


52 


Mr.  Chairman,  the  foregoing  testimony  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  anti  of  an  ex-member  of  the  Philippine  Supreme  Court 
ought  to  have  been  satisfactory  and  final  in  closing  this  unfortu- 
nate controvers3’.  But  Mr.  Worcester  would  not  stop  at  that 
point,  and,  at  a great  expense  to  tlie  Filipino  people,  he  had 
printed  a voluminous  report  entitled  “ Slavery  and  Peonage  in 
th3  Philippine  Islands.”  Though  this  was  supposed  to  be  for 
the  Governor  General  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  extra  copies 
were  made  and  sent  broadcast  throughout  the  United  States. 
Later  he  included  much  of  this  document  in  his  book  entitkd 
“ The  Philippines,  Past  and  Present.” 

Mr.  Worcester,  in  a vain  effort  to  justify  his  eai’ly  declara- 
tions that  slavery  exists  in  the  Philippines,  used  all  the  agen- 
cies of  the  Philippine  Government  to  find  out  individual  in- 
stances of  deprivation  of  personal  liberty  that  had  taken  place 
in  any  part  of  the  islands,  the  Moro  Province  included,  and  cited 
them  in  the  publications  I have  referred  to  before  as  technical 
cases  of  slaver.v.  Anj-  sensible  person  who  will  attenti\ely  and 
without  prejudice  read  both  the  report  and  the  book  of  Mr. 
Worcester  will  at  once  be  convinced  that  the  efforts  of  the  ex- 
secretary  of  the  intei'ior  have  failed,  because  if  they  show  any- 
tliing  whatever,  it  is  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  slavery  in 
that  part  of  the  Philii)pines  inhabited  b.v  Christian  Filipinos — 
certainly  not  in  the  sense  that  it  existed  in  the  United  States 
prior  to  the  Civil  War.  The  so-called  ” typical  cases  of  slavery” 
cited  by  Mr.  Worcester  are  in  fact,  in  some  instances,  criminal 
actions,  for  which  verj’  heavj-  i)unishments  are  provided  in 
the  penal  code,  and  which  are  given  in  that  code  such  names  as 
“ illegal  detention,”  “ kidnaping.”  and  the  like.  Indeed,  many  of 
these  so-called  typical  cases  have  been  actually  tried  in  the 
courts  of  the  Philippine  Islands  and  the  defendants  therein  have 
been  convicted  and  imprisoned.  In  other  instances  these  “ typi- 
cal slaverj-  cases,”  like  all  those  that  Mr.  Worcester  alarm- 
ingly styles  ” purchase  and  sale  of  human  l)eings,”  are  either 
ordinarj'  contracts  for  personal  services,  wherein  the  cmploj'er 
advances  the  wages  of  the  emplojee,  who  is  a minor,  to  the  em- 
ployee's parents  or  tutors,  or  they  are  cases  of  adoption,  wherein 
the  adoptive  parents  make  a present  to  the  destitute  mother  of 
the  adopted  child.  When  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  visited  last  j'ear 
the  town  of  Bacolor,  one  of  the  young  men  who  delivered  an  ad- 
dress of  welcome  to  the  govenior  in  correct  English  was  the 
“ victim  ” in  one  of  Mr.  Worcester's  slavery  cases.  He  was 
“ purchased  ” when  still  a bal)e.  and  his  " purchaser,"  who  was  a 
wealthy  Filipino  of  the  town  of  Bacolor,  educated  him,  and 
upon  her  dejith  made  him  her  heir.  There  is,  therefore,  no  rea- 
son for  the  outcries  of  ilr.  Worc-ester,  and  much  less  for  the 
expenditure  of  the  money  of  tlie  Filipino  i^cople  in  printing  and 
distributing  his  reiuirt  broadcast  excei>t  .Mr.  M'orcester's  desire 
unjustl.v  to  depict  the  Filii)ino  people — for  whom  he  has  always 
entertained  an  ill-concealed,  strong  dislike,  if  not  contempt  or 
hatred — as  a people  devoid  of  all  humanitarian  sentiment  and 
moral  sense  and  badly  in  need  of  an  iron  hand  to  keep  them  in 
good  liehavior. 

The  following  paragraph,  which  ajipears  on  page  82  of  Mr.  Wor- 
cester's si)ecial  n'port,  and  is  repeated  in  more  or  less  the  same 
words  on  i>age  72!»,  volume  2,  of  his  book,  gives  a fair  idea  of 
09348— 1420G 


53 


the  impression  that  the  ex-secretary  of  the  interior  for  the 
Philippine  Islands  meant  to  create  in  the  United  States  with  his 
“ slavery  slogan.” 

Without  hesitation  I assert  that  the  existence  of  slavery  and  pconase 
in  the  I’hilippines  is  the  greatest  singie  problem  which  there  confronts 
tiie  Gov'ernment  of  the  United  States  in  its  effort  to  buiid  up  a respect- 
abie  and  responsible  electorate  and  to  establish  representative  govern- 
ment. 

Shall  human  flesh  be  openly  bought  and  sold  under  the  American  flag? 

If  this  pathetic  and  shocking  statement  presented  any  sem- 
blance of  actual  conditions  in  the  islands,  what  a serious  charge 
would  the  American  Government  have  to  answer  before  the 
inexorable  bar  of  history ! How  would  the  United  States  sat- 
isfy the  enlightened  opinion  and  humanitarian  sentiment  of 
the  world  horrified  by  the  discovery  tliat  after  15  years  of  con- 
tinuous and  supreme  American  control  of  the  archipelago  “ hu- 
man flesh  is  still  openly  bought  and  sold  ” and  that  this  “ great- 
est single  problem”  of  the  islands  is  still  unsolved?  And  what 
an  indictment — if  the  above-quoted  statement  of  Mr.  Worcester 
was  true — what  an  indictment  such  a statement  would  be 
against  every  Governor  General  of  the  Philippines,  beginning 
with  Mr.  Taft  and  coming  down  to  Gov.  Forbes,  as  well  as 
against  every  member  of  the  Philippine  Commission  who  sat 
in  that  body  up  to  the  year  1913,  more  particularly  against  Mr. 
Worcester  himself,  the  only  commissioner  who  has  held  a com- 
missionership  continuously  from  the  inauguration  of  that  body 
until  September,  1913. 

Fortunately  for  the  United  States  and  for  Mr.  Worcester 
himself,  they  need  not  suffer  the  condemnation  of  mankind  on 
this  score,  because  there  never  existed  in  the  islands  any  such 
problem  as  alleged.  To  be  sure,  in  the  Moro  Province — a ter- 
ritory which  has  always  been  under  the  exclusive  control  of 
American  officials — slavery  was  at  one  time  a common  practice, 
and  upon  the  arrival  of  the  first  American  ti’oops  a treaty  rati- 
fied by  the  Sultan  of  Jolo  and  the  American  commanding  officer 
pi'ovided  that  this  institution  should  uot  be  interfered  with  by 
the  American  Government.  But  this  shameful  treaty  w'as  at 
once  repudiated  by  the  Washington  authorities,  so  that  even  in 
the  Moro  Province  within  a few  years  following  American  occu- 
pation no  “ human  flesh  ” was  any  longer  “ bought  and  sold 
under  the  American  flag.” 

But  whatever  the  merits  of  Mr.  Worcester’s  admonition  at  the 
time  it  was  uttered,  this  “ greatest  single  problem  ” confronting 
the  United  States  in  the  Philippines  at  the  end  of  15  years  of 
supreme  American  rule  was  promptly  and  early  met  by  the 
Philippine  Legislature  after  the  Filipinos  came  into  control  of 
both  of  its  branches.  On  November  28,  1913,  an  antislavery  act 
was  adopted.  This  originated  with  the  Philippine  Assembly, 
and  it  passed  both  houses  at  a time  when  Filii^iuos  alone,  and 
without  any  American  member  excepting  the  Governor  General, 
sat  in  the  legislature. 

Mr.  JIILLER.  Mr.  Chairman,  will  the  gentleman  yield? 

The  CHAIRMAN.  Does  the  gentleman  from  the  Philippine 
Islands  yield  to  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota? 

3Ir.  QUEZON.  Yes;  with  pleasure. 

Mr.  jMILLER.  On  the  occasion  of  the  visit  I made  to  the 
legislature,  which  the  gentleman  so  very  well  described  the 
C9348— 14200 


54 


other  day,  the  assembly  passed  the  act  prohihitiiiG:  slavery,  and 
the  seiitleman’s  statement  is  correct.  Is  it  not  also  true  that 
prior  thereto  the  American  commission  had  on  three  separate 
and  distinct  occasions  passed  such  an  act  prohibiting  slavery, 
and  that  each  of  those  acts  was  killed  by  the  assembly? 

ilr.  (il’EZON.  Mr.  Chainiian,  I am  very  sorry  that  my  dis- 
tinguished friend  has  asked  me  that  question,  because  he  com- 
pels me  to  go  further  than  I intended  to  into  this  subject,  thus 
forcing  me  to  mention  facts  that  may  not  he  pleasant.  The 
que.stion  of  the  gentleman  reopens  the  whole  controversy  about 
slavery,  now  happily  closed. 

It  would  seem  to  he  suggested  by  his  leading  question  that 
the  Philippine  Commission  had  done  everything  in  its  power  to 
enact  an  .-intislavery  measure  and  that  it  was  the  assembly’s 
fault  that  such  a measure  failed  to  become  law.  Indeed,  l\Ir. 
Worcester  has  openly  made  this  charge  against  the  Philippine 
Assembly. 

A little  of  the  history  of  the  Philippine  Government  since 
American  occupation  would  at  once  reveal  where  the  fault  lay, 
were  it  true  that  slavery  exists  in  the  Philippine  Islands  in  so 
general  and  an  alarming  a form — as  the  ahove-q\ioted  statement 
of  Mr.  AVorcester  would  indicate — that  it  required  the  imme- 
diate adoption  of  measures  for  its  eradication,  which  had  been 
until  lately  neglected. 

Fpon  the  assumption  of  sovereignty  by  the  United  States 
over  the  Philippine  Islands  all  the  powers  of  government  were 
vested,  up  to  October,  1907,  first,  in  the  military  commander  of 
the  army  of  occupation,  and,  subsequently,  in  an  American 
Governor  General  and  in  a Philippine  Commission,  presided 
over  by  that  governor  and  compo.sed  chiefly  of  Americans,  ap- 
pointed by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  This  Philippine 
Commission,  from  1900  up  to  October,  1907,  was  exclusively 
vested  with  the  power  to  legislate  for  the  Philippines,  and  it 
could  have  passed  during  that  time  any  act  that  it  chose 
regardless  of  the  attitude  and  desire  of  the  Filipino  people. 

Had  the  I’hilippine  Commission  intended  to  pass  such  an  act 
as  was  suggested  by  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota,  it  could 
easily  have  done  so  prior  to  the  establishment  of  the  Philippine 
Assembly — an  event  which  did  not  occur  until  October,  1907. 
Why  this  negligence?  Doth  in  the  report  and  book  of  Mr. 
Worcester  he  says  that  shortly  after  the  establishment  of  the 
American  commission  as  the  legislative  authority  for  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  the  members  of  the  commission,  Mr.  M'oi’cester 
him.self  not  excepted,  heard  of  cases  of  the  type  that  Mr. 
Worcester  calls  slavery.  AVhy  did  the  commission  do  nothing  to 
prevent  or  punish  such  crimes  during  all  the  seven  years  of  its 
unrestricted  and  supreme  exclusive  legislative  control?  The 
answer  to  this  question  given  by  Mr.  AVorcester  is  one  of  the 
most  remark.'ihle  mental  acrobatic  efforts  I have  ever  seen. 

In  the  first  place,  Mr.  AA'orcester  tells  us  that  an  attempt  to 
draft  an  antislavery  act  took  place  in  October,  1903,  and  the 
sugge.stion  that  the  act  be  drafted  and  submitte<l  to  the  com- 
mission for  action  was  made  by  Air.  Taft,  then  president  of  the 
Philippine  Commission.  But  the  act  never  saw  the  light  at 
the  time.  AA'hy?  This  is  the  answer  given  by  Air.  AA’orcestcr 
on  page  22  of  his  reiwrt  and  on  page  092,  A’olumo  II,  of  his 
01)348—11290 


book:  “Why  such  an  act  was  not  draftotl  and  passed.  I do  not 
know.”  This  answer  shows  the  seriousness  of  the  evil  that  was 
meant  to  be  stamped  out  and  the  earnestne.ss  of  those  who  are 
said  to  be  anxious  to  eradicate  it,  since  Mr.  Worcester  seems 
to  feel  alisolutely  relieved  by  saying,  “ I do  not  know.”  Indeed, 
he  could  have  very  well  added,  but  he  left  it  to  the  imagination 
of  the  public.  “ and  I don't  care.” 

So,  this  first  attempt  at  antislavery  legislation  took  place  in 
1903.  “ My  personal  attention,”  Mr.  Worcester  proceeds,  “ was 
forcibly  drawn  to  the  existence  of  slavery  outside  of  the  Moro 
territory  when  I first  inspected  Xueva  Vizcaya  in  1905.”  But  Mr. 
Worcester  did  not  then  induce  the  commission  to  enact  immedi- 
ate antislavery  legislation,  because,  as  he  explains  it,  he  “ then 
entertained  the  belief,  still  held  by  some  Americans,  that  both 
slavery  and  the  sale  and  purchase  of  human  beings  could  be 
adequately  punished  under  certain  provisions  of  the  Spanish 
penal  code,  which  were  then  and  still  are  in  effect.” 

Note,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  are  told,  on  the  one  hand,  that 
in  1903  Mr.  Taft  had  already  recommendetl  that  an  antislavery 
act  be  framed ; and  on  the  other,  that  in  1905,  after  the  personal 
attention  of  Mr.  Worcester  “ was  forcibly  drawn  to  the  existence 
of  slavery  outside  of  the  Moro  territory,”  he — Mr.  Worcester — 
did  not  immediately  renew  the  effort  initiated  by  Mr.  Taft  to 
enact  such  antislavery  legislation  because  the  opinion  was  still 
held  by  himself  that  the  Spanish  penal  code  offered  adequate 
punishment  for  would-be  or  actual  slaveholders. 

But  let  me  continue.  In  order  to  have  an  authoritative  opin- 
ion, Mr.  Worcester  says  that  the  attorney  general  was  asked 
to  render  his  opinion  on  the  subject.  This  was  done,  and  in  ac- 
cord therewith  a test  case  was  brought  before  the  courts,  the 
final  decision  rendered  thereon  by  the  highest  tribunal  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  having  been  an  acquittal  of  the  defendant. 
Mr.  Worcester  construed  this  decision  as  meaning  that  the 
supreme  court  had  decided  that  the  Spanish  penal  code  did  not 
punish  slaver.v.  Many  a lawyer  in  the  Philippines,  and  all  the 
members  of  the  Philippine  Assembly,  did  not  agree  with  the 
construction  placetl  by  Mr.  Worcester  upon  that  court’s  decision. 
I myself  believe  that  the  ground  whereon  the  court  dismissed 
the  case  was  that  there  was  no  evidence  presented  in  support 
of  the  complaint.  But  this  is  immaterial  to  the  point  that  I 
am  now  trying  to  make.  The  material  fact  is  that  Mr.  Wor- 
cester himself  in  his  report  and  book  says  that  in  view  of  this 
decision,  “ the  necessity  of  legislation  seemed  obvious.” 

How  did  Mr.  Worcester  conduct  himself  in  the  performance 
of  his  plain  duty  after  his  “ personal  attention  was  forcibly 
drawu  to  the  existence  of  slavery,”  and  after  he  felt  that  “ the 
necessity  of  legislation  seemed  obvious”?  At  that  time  the 
commission  was  still  the  sole  legislative  authority  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  and  Mr.  Worcester  was  a very  infiueutial — indeed, 
the  ranking — member  of  that  commi.ssion.  Did  Mr.  Worcester 
then  frame  and  introduce  the  legislation  regarding  which  he 
.says  he  did  not  know  why  it  was  not  enacted  in  1003?  Did  he 
frame  and  introduce  the  legislation  which  after  the  test  case 
was  disposed  of  he  says  was,  in  his  opinion,  an  obvious  neces- 
sity? 

09348—14200 


He  did  not.  What  is  his  reason  now?  Let  him  speak  for  him- 
self. lie  says; 

The  Philippine  Assembly  was  about  to  meet  for  the  first  time.  The 
work  of  draftinj;  a proper  bill  was  duly  provided  for,  and  I am  sure 
that  no  member  of  the  commission  for  a moment  entertained  the  belief 
that  there  would  be  any  difficulty  in  securin.!;  the  concurrence  of  the 
assembly  in  the  passage  of  a reasonable  act  prohibiting  and  penalizing 
slavery,  involuntary  servitude,  peonage,  and  the  sale  and  purchase  of 
human  beings. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  from  October  1 to  October  12, 
1907,  four  days  immediately  preceding  the  inauguration  of  the 
Philippine  Assembly,  the  commission,  in  its  desire  to  cover  all 
subjects  of  legislation  before  there  was  a popular  house  to 
reckon  with,  enacted  70  laws,  one  ma.v  reasonably  question 
the  value  of  Mr.  Worcester's  e-vplauation.  But  I shall  take  it 
at  face  value.  Let  us  now  see  whether,  after  the  inauguration 
of  the  assembly,  Mr.  Worcester  tried  to  secure  the  enactment 
of  the  badly  needed  legislation.  He  himself  says  that  not  until 
1909  did  he  draft  the  desired  bill.  Why  this  delay?  Why,  on 
such  an  important  measure  as  this — the  measure  that  was  to 
give  the  final  blow  to  “ the  greatest  single  problem  confronting 
the  United  States  in  the  Philippine  Islands  ” — why,  I repeat, 
on  such  important  legislation  as  this  should  two  years  have 
been  allowed  to  pass  without  any  action  on  the  part  of  the 
commission? 

Mr.  Worcester  again  gives  us  his  reason,  but  he  is  no  more 
fortunate  or  convincing  this  time  than  in  his  earlier  reasonings. 
He  says : 

The  gentleman  charged  with  drafting  the  bill  encountered  difficulty  In 
so  framing  it  that  it  would  accomplish  the  desired  end  without  unduly 
interfering  with  the  rights  of  parents  to  dispose  of  their  children.  Long 
delay  occurred. 

Jlr.  Chairman,  on  the  strength  of  this  statement,  if  I did  not 
know  Mr.  Worcester's  ability  “ as  a seasoned  controversial- 
ist ” — in  the  words  of  Justice  Tracey — I should  think  him  lacking 
in  common  sense;  but  being  familiar  with  his  controversial 
ability  I must  believe  that  he  takes  for  granted  that,  out- 
side of  himself,  there  is  no  man  in  this  world  who  can  see 
a joke.  He  must  have  been  in  an  extremely  good  humor — an 
unusual  thing  for  him — when  he  wrote  that  paragraph.  How 
can  any  man  say,  and  keep  from  laughing  at  himself  or  at 
his  readers,  that  to  frame  a single  act  to  punish  slavery,  invol- 
untary servitude  and  iieonage,  with  many  similar  measures  in 
other  parts  of  the  world  to  copy  from  or  to  follow  as  “ prece- 
dent,” is  so  difficult  a task  that  long  delay  is  inevitable?  And 
this  delay  lasted  two  years ! If  it  be  true  that  the  Philippine 
Commission  could  not  frame  so  simple  and  plain  a law  in  less 
than  two  years,  with  the  office  of  the  Attorney  General  and 
other  law  offices  at  their  command,  then  that  commission  stands 
convicted  of  utter  incompetency.  Yet  the  Filipino  people  were 
for  many  years  under  the  exclusive  legislative  authority  of  such 
a commission  ! Of  course,  the  commission  was  able  to  frame  this 
bill  had  it  desired  to  do  so.  Mr.  Worcester  himself  is  a well- 
informed  man.  He  could  have  written  such  a bill  in  a day ; at 
any  rate,  in  much  less  time  than  he  employed  in  writing  his 
report.  Is  it  not  sad  to  .see  tliat  i\Ir.  Worcester  thus  let  slip  his 
opportunity  to  become  the  Lincoln  of  the  Philippines! 

C934S— 14290 


01 


Mr.  CT.INE.  Mr.  Chairman,  will  the  sentlcnian  yield? 

Tlie  CilAlItMAX.  Does  the  ;;entlemau  from  the  Philippines 
yield  to  the  gentleman  from  Indiana? 

Mr.  CLIXE.  The  gentleman  says  that  during  the  la.st  session 
of  the  Philippine  Legislature  they  passed  a law  puuishiiig  slav- 
ery and  peonage? 

Mr.  QL'EZOX.  Yes.  sir;  this  law  originated  with  the  Philip- 
pine Assembly  and  was  passed  also  by  the  commission  when 
only  one  American  member  was  in  the  islands. 

Mr.  CLIXE.  It  is  charged,  though,  by  the  gentleman  from 
Minnesota  [Mr.  Miller]  that  on  three  different  occasions  the 
Filipinos  had  an  opportunity  to  concur  with  the  commission  in 
those  acts. 

Mr.  QUEZOX.  Yes. 

3Ir.  CLIXE.  How  do  you  explain  their  failure  to  do  it? 

Mr.  QFEZOX.  I am  coming  to  that  now,  but  I thought  I 
should  first  inform  the  committee  as  to  the  whole  process  that 
this  antislavery  legislation  went  through,  according  to  Mr. 
Worcester's  own  account,  so  that  gentlemen  may  form  a proper 
conception  of  the  true  import  of  the  so-called  slavery  question 
in  the  Philippine  Islands  and  the  reasons  that  the  assembly 
had  for  not  concurring  with  the  commi3.sion  in  the  passage  of 
the  antislavery  legislation,  as  suggested  by  the  question  of  the 
gentleman  from  ^Minnesota  [Mr.  Miller]. 

From  what  I said,  Mr.  Chairman,  or.  rather,  from  what  Mr. 
Worcester  him.self  says,  which  I quoted,  the  salient,  clearly 
established  fact  is  that  from  the  creation  of  the  Philippine 
Commission  down  to  1!X)7,  when  the  commission  was  the  sole 
legislative  body  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  no  antislaveiy  legisla- 
tion was  enacted,  and  that  not  until  190D  such  a bill  was  passed 
by  that  body.  X’ow,  this  being  the  case — and  there  is  not  the 
slightest  dispute  about  it — we  are  face  to  face  with  this  dilemma : 
That  either  there  was  no  slavery  in  the  Philippines  so  real  or  so 
general  as  to  demand  immediate  attention  and  to  require  special 
legislation  on  the  part  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  or  if  there 
was  slavery,  so  openly  and  extensively  practiceil  as  to  constitute 
“ the  greatest  single  problem  confronting  the  Fnited  States  in  the 
Philippines,”  there  never  was  a body  of  more  incompetent  or 
more  criniinallj'  negligent  officials  than  the  members  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Commission,  who,  down  to  1909,  failed  utterly  and  in  dis- 
I'egard  of  their  most  imperative  duty  to  enact  the  necessary 
legislation.  Since  this  last  theorj-  would  seriously  indict  sev- 
eral men  of  recognized  capacity  and  devotion  to  duty,  such  as 
ex-President  Taft,  ex-Secretary  of  War  Wright,  ex-Gov.  Gen. 
Smith.  ex-Gov.  Gen.  Forbes,  and  every  ex-member  of  the  Philip- 
pine Commission,  the  only  plausible  theory  is  that  Mr.  Worces- 
ter's agitation  about  slavery  in  the  Philippines  is  a tempest  in  a 
teapot.  And  there  is  really  the  truth  and  the  whole  truth  in  a 
nutshell.  That  is  why  the  a.ssembly  refused  to  concur  with  the 
Philippine  Commission  in  pas.sing  the  antislavery  legislation, 
which  unexpectedly  became  at  the  eleventh  hour  the  mania  of 
the  ex-secretai-y  of  the  interior. 

.The  members  of  the  Philippine  Assembly  did  not  believe  then 
that  in  the  territory  inhabited  by  their  respective  constituencies 
slavery  in  its  legitimate  meaning  existed. 

C9348— 1429G 


58 


^Ir.  Chairman.  I can  anticipate  the  further  question  that  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  ClineI  is  formulating  in  his  own 
mind.  He  wishes  to  know  if  the  members  of  the  assembly  who 
voterl  for  the  antislavery  legislation  enacted  at  the  last  session 
of  the  l*hilii)pine  Legislature  came  at  last  to  the  conclusion 
that  .slavery  was  practiced  among  their  constituents  and  that  the 
renal  Code  did  not  contain  provisions  punishing  that  crime. 
Well,  nothing  of  the  sort  had  happened.  I,  for  one,  can  give 
a very  good  reason  why  in  1913  an  antislavery  act  was  needed, 
regardless  of  whether  there  then  was  slavery  or  not  in  the 
islands,  and  of  whether  the  Penal  Code  impo.sed  heavy  penalties 
for  all  kinds  of  violations  of  personal  liberty.  On  .January  2S, 
1912,  a law  was  enacted  legalizing  compulsory  service  and  pro- 
viding severe  penalties  for  employees  who  should  leave  the 
service  of  their  employers  before  they  had  paid  their  debts. 
That  law  was  introduced  in  the  Philipi)ine  Commission  on  No- 
vember 11,  1911,  pas.sed  that  body  on  Noveir.ber  14,  1911,  and 
became  a law  on  January  20,  1912.  as  I stated.  This  law  being 
of  later  date  than  the  Penal  Code,  it  obviously  annulled  the 
provisions  of  that  code  which  were  in  conllict  therewith ; and 
while,  because  of  the  unconstitutionality  of  that  law,  the  provi- 
sions of  the  Penal  Code  were  not  really  annulled,  it  was  better, 
in  order  to  avoid  legal  controversies,  that  a new  act  be  passed 
“ confirming  existing  legislation  prohibiting  slavery.  Involuntary 
servitude,  and  peonage,”  just  as  the  Philippine  Legislature  did. 
No  better  proof  could  be  given  of  the  lack  of  sincerity  of 
Mr.  Worcester  in  his  alleged  effort  to  eradicate  the  supposed 
slavery  and  fieonage  in  the  Philippine  Islands  than  the  passage 
by  the  commission  of  that  peonage  bill — a bill  giving  legal  force 
to  the  retention  of  one  man  by  another  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
pelling the  former  to  render  a service  to  the  latter — at  a time 
when  Mr.  tVorcester  was  the  ranking  member  of  that  body  and 
was  insisting  uiion  having  the  Philippine  Assembly  concur  with 
the  I’hilippine  Commission  in  passing  antislavery  and  antipeon- 
age legislation.  What  a shameful  farce!  And  this  was  being 
done  while  Mr.  Worcester  was  appealing  to  humane  organizations 
of  this  country  with  his  alarming  denunciations  about  slavery 
and  peona.ge  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  fact  that  the  com- 
mission did  pass  such  a bill  indicates,  at  least,  that  if  slavery 
and  peonage  had  been  common  ])ractlces  in  the  Philippine 
Islands,  the  lime  had  arrived  when  the  working  class  knew  that 
its  members  had  the  right  to  work  for  whomsoever  they  chose 
and  to  leave  the  service  of  their  emi)loyers  at  will,  and  were 
beginning  to  make  use  of  that  right.  And  in  order  to  keep  these 
unfortunate  creatures  down,  in  order  to  deprive  them  of  that  in- 
violable right,  an  act  which  Mr.  Worcester  himself  took  part 
in  passing  was  enacted. 

To  the  everlasting  benefit  and  glory  of  the  Filijiino  people, 
to  the  confusion  and  shame  of  those  who  accuse  them  of 
tolerating,  if  not  heartily  supporting,  the  use  of  their  fellow 
men  as  animals,  the  present  I’hilippine  I.egislature,  by  enact- 
ing last  year  its  antislavery  act,  blotted  out  forever  the  only 
])a.ge  on  our  statute  books  which  bore  upon  it  a barbarous,  in- 
human, criminal  measure.  [Applause. J 
C934S— 14290 


59 


I sliall  print  this  law  in  the  Record,  and  side  by  side  with  it  I 
shall  print  the  antislavery  legislation  enacted  by  the  present 
riiilippino  Legislature: 


AXTISLAVERY  LAW  PASSED  RY  THE 
FIHPi:>IZED  LEGISLATURE  XO- 
VEMI'.ER  28,  1913. 

An  act  confirming  existing  legisla- 
tion prohibiting  slavery,  involun- 
tary servitude,  and  peonage  in 
the  Philippine  Islands,  subject  to 
modifications  as  provided  in  sec- 
tions 1108,  209,  270,  and  271  of 
the  act  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  approved  March  4, 
1909,  entitled  "An  act  to  codify, 
revise,  and  amend  the  penal  laws 
of  the  United  States,"  and  adopt- 
ing measures  for  preventing  vio- 
lations of  said  laws. 

By  authority  of  the  United 
States,  be  it  enacted  by  the  Philip- 
pine Legislature,  that — 

Sectiox  1.  Nothing  provided  in 
the  existing  legislation  shall  be  un- 
derstood or  construed  as  directly 
or  indirectly  permitting  slavery,  in- 
voluntary servitude,  and  peonage 
in  the  Philitjpine  Islands.  Subject 
to  the  modifications  provided  in 
the  next  following  section,  the  pro- 
visions of  law  prohibiting  and  pun- 
ishing slavery,  involuntary  servi- 
tude, and  peonage  contained  in  any 
laws,  orders,  ordinances,  decrees, 
instructions,  or  regulations  promul- 
gated during  Spanish  government 
and  applicable  to  the  Philippine 
Islands  are  hereby  confirmed  and 
ratified. 

Sec.  2.  The  provisions  of  sec- 
tions 2G8,  2G9,  270,  and  271  of  the 
act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  approved  on  March  4,  1909, 
entitled  "An  act  to  codify,  revise, 
and  amend  the  penal  laws  of  the 
United  States,”  are  hereb.v  adopted, 
with  the  necessary  modifications, 
as  if  they  had  been  enacted  by  the 
Philippine  Legislature,  to  be  in 
force  within  the  territory  subject 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  said  legisla- 
ture, so  that  said  sections,  as  modi- 
fied, shall  read  as  follows  ; 

(a)  Whoever  kidnap',  or  carries 
away  any  other  person,  with  the 
intent  that  such  other  person  be 
sold  into  involuntary  servitude  or 
held  as  a slave ; or  who  entices, 
persuades,  or  induces  any  other 
person  to  go  on  board  any  vessel 
or  to  any  otter  place  with  the  in- 
tent that  he  may  be  made  or  held 
as  a slave,  or  sent  out  of  the  coun- 
try to  be  so  made  or  held  ; or  who 
in  any  way  knowingly  aids  in  caus- 
ing any  other  person  to  be  held, 
sold,  or  carried  away  to  be  held  or 
sold  as  a slave,  shall  be  fined  not 
more  than  P10,000  or  Imprisoned 
not  more  than  five  years,  or  both. 

(b)  Whoever  bolds,  arrests,  re- 
turns, or  causes  to  be  held,  ar- 
rested, or  returned,  or  in  any  man- 

G9348— 1429G 


PEON'AGE  LAW  PAS.SED  BY  COMMIS- 
SION XOVE.MBEIl  14,  1911. 

An  act  relating  to  contracts  of  por- 
sonai  service  and  advances  there- 
under, and  providing  punishment 
for  certain  offenses  connected 
therewith. 

By  authority  of  the  United 
States,  be  it  enacted  by  the  Philip- 
pine Legislature,  that — 

Section  1.  Any  person  who,  with 
intent  to  injure  or  defraud  his  em- 
ployer. enters  into  a contract  for 
the  performance  of  any  act  or  per- 
sonal service,  and  thereby  obtains 
money  or  other  personal  property 
from  such  employer  as  a gratuity 
or  advance  on  wages  to  be  earned 
under  such  contract  of  employment, 
and  without  just  cause,  and  with- 
out refunding  such  money  or  pay- 
ing for  such  property,  refuses  or 
fails  to  perform  such  act  of  serv'- 
ice,  shall  on  conviction  thereof  be 
punished  by  a fine  of  not  more  than 
P200  or  imprisonment  for  not  more 
than  six  months,  or  with  both  pen- 
alties. 

Sec.  2.  Any  person  who,  with 
Intent  to  Injure  or  defraud  his 
landlord,  enters  into  a contract  in 
writing  for  the  rent  of  land  under 
an  agreement  to  cultivate  such 
land,  thereby  obtains  money  or 
other  personal  property  from  such 
landlord,  and  without  just  cause, 
and  without  refunding  such  money 
or  paying  for  such  personal  prop- 
erty, refuses  or  fails  to  cultivate 
such  land  or  to  comply  with  his 
contract  relative  thereto,  shall  on 
conviction  bo  punished  by  a fine  of 
not  more  than  1*200  or  imprison- 
ment for  not  more  than  six  months, 
or  with  both  penalties. 

Sec.  3.  Any  person  who,  with  in- 
tent to  injure  or  defraud,  shall  con- 
tract with  another  to  receive  from 
him  personal  service  of  any  kind 
and  to  compensate  him  therefor, 
and  thereafter  with  like  intent  re- 
ceive the  benefit  of  such  service  in 
whole  or  in  part  and  fails  or  re- 
fuses to  pay  the  compensation 
agreed  upon  shall  upon  conviction 
thereof  be  punished  by  a fine  of 
not  more  than  P200  or  imprison- 
ment for  not  more  than  six  months, 
or  with  both  penalties. 

Enacted,  January  20,  1912. 


GO 


ner  aids  in  the  arrest  or  return  of 
any  person  to  a condition  of  peon- 
age shall  be  fined  not  more  than 
!*10,000  or  imprisoned  not  more 
than  live  years,  or  both. 

(c)  Whoever  obstructs,  or  at- 
tempts to  obstruct,  or  in  any  way 
interferes  with  or  prevents  the  en- 
forcement of  the  section  last  pre- 
ceding shall  be  liable  to  the  penal- 
ties therein  prescribed. 

(d)  Whoever  shall  knowingly 
and  willfully  bring  into  the  I’hilip- 
pinc  Islands  or  any  place  subject 
to  the  juri.sdiction  thereof  any  per- 
son inveigled  or  forcibly  kidnaped 
in  any  other  country,  with  intent 
to  hold  such  person  so  inveigled  or 
kidnaped  in  confinement  or  to  any 
involuntary  servitude ; or  whoever 
shall  knowingly  and  willfully  sell, 
or  cause  to  be  sold,  into  any  con- 
dition of  involuntary  servitude,  any 
other  person  for  any  term  what- 
ever ; or  whoever  shall  knowingly 
and  willfully  hold  to  involuntary 
servitude  any-  person  so  brought  or 
sold,  shall  be  fined  not  more  than 
PIO.OOO  and  imprisoned  not  more 
than  five  years. 

Sec.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of 
the  provincial  governor  of  every 
province  organized  under  act  No. 

S3  of  the  Philippine  Commission  to 
obtain  information  and  take  all 
measures  that  in  his  judgment  may 
be  proper  to  forestall  and  there- 
after to  prevent  any  violations  of 
tills  act.  and  in  case  such  viola- 
tions have  been  committed,  to  or- 
der immediate  prosecution.  It  shall 
also  be  the  duty  of  the  provincial 
governor  to  order,  where  necessary, 
the  institution  of  habeas  corpus 
proceedings,  and  he  may  apply  to 
the  provincial  fiscal,  and  in  his 
default  to  the  proper  court,  for 
the  designation  of  a lawyer  to  pro- 
tect the  rights  of  the  person  or  per- 
sons for  whose  benefit  the  habeas 
corpus  proceedings  shall  have  been 
brought,  and  no  fees  shall  be 
charged  for  such  services,  and  the 
costs  shall  in  every  case  be  de 
oUcio. 

Sec.  4.  The  courts  of  first  in- 
stance shall  have  original  juris- 
diction over  all  cases  for  violations 
of  this  act. 

Enacted,  November  28,  1013. 

MR.  WORCESTER'S  BOOK  REVIEWED. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I shall  insert  in  the  Record  in  connection  with 
my  remarks  a review  of  Mr.  Worcester's  book,  entitled  “ The 
Philippines — Past  and  Present,”  printed  in  the  Wisconsin  State 
Journal,  Jlay  30,  1914. 

The  review  referred  to  is  as  follows: 

No  more  important  work  regarding  the  riiilippinos  has  yet  been 
printed  in  English.  No  more  interesting  work  regarding  them  is  likely 
to  be  written.  To  properly  review  it,  either  for  content  or  argument, 
would  demand  much  more  space  than  is  at  our  disposition.  The  title  of 
the  work  is  misleading.  It  might  better  bear  one  somewhat  like  this: 
The  achievements  of  Dean  C.  Worcester,  as  judged  by  himself,  with 
00348—14200 


61 


slaps  at  Judge  Blount.”  Tlie  Good  Book  tells  us  that  when  the  Maker 
of  all  had  finished  Ills  six  days’  toil.  lie  inspected  it  and  declared  it 
good.  There  have  been  many  human  imitators  of  this  divine  example  ; 
rarely  have  we  known  one  so  satisfied  as  I’rof.  Worcester.  He  declares 
his  Philippine  achievement  to  he  very  good.  The  hook  is  one  of  the 
‘‘  before  taking  ” and  “ after  taking  ” advertisement  .sort.  It  shows  us 
the  I'hilippines  before  they  had  Worcester  and  after  they  had  him  ; one 
must  be  blind  not  to  see  the  improvement.  Mr.  Worcester’s  fundamental 
proposition  is  that  the  Philippines  are  only  possible  with  us  in  char.ge. 
We  have  built  a splendid  structure  there,  and  if  we  leave  it  it  will  crum- 
ble. The  Filipinos  are  not  fit  for  independence  and  will  not  be  for  a 
long  time.  So  we  must  stay,  even  if  we  wished  to  leave.  The  earlier 
chapters  of  the  book  are  historical,  after  a fashion.  They  are  intended 
to  relieve  conscience.  They  discuss  whether  independence  was  promised 
and  whether  we  destroyed  a republic.  It  is  claimed  that  we  did  neither. 
Insurgent  rule  is  shown  to  have  been  a failure,  shockingly  brutal  and 
cruel,  supported  by  ” murder  as  a governmental  agency.”  The  insurrec- 
tion is  said  ta  have  been  premeditated  and  the  war  is  stated  to  have 
been  conducted  treacherously.  This  is  a faint  picture  of  the  conditions 
as  Worcester  depicts  them.  If  one  takes  his  statement  just  as  it 
stands,  it  is  alarmingly  conclusive.  Having  proved  all  these  things  to 
his  own  satisfaction.  Mr.  Worcester  proceeds  to  show  what  benefits  we 
have  conferred  and  details  them  one  by  one.  It  makes  interesting  read- 
ing, and  taken  at  face  value  causes  one  a glow  of  satisfaction.  One 
may,  however,  read  between  the  lines.  And  one  sometimes  doubts 
whether  Mr.  Worcester  really  takes  himself  seriously.  Almost  every 
topic  he  takes  up  raises  questions.  For  example,  take  health  service. 
We  fuiiy  appreciate  the  good  done,  but  there  are  some  curious  things 
in  it.  We  have  been  too  short  a time  in  the  islands  to  knov/  much  of 
cholera  and  its  course  there.  There  was  a dreadful  outbreak  of  the  dis- 
ease in  1902-1904.  I quote  two  paragraphs  relative  to  it : In  1902, 

“ before  it  was  finally  checked  in  Manila,  there  were  5, .581  cases,  with 
4,330  deaths  ; while  in  the  ITovinces,  in  many  of  wdiich  it  necessarily 
long  ran  its  course  practically  unhindered,  there  were  100.071  cases, 
with  105,07.5  deaths.”  In  1904  “ the  conditions  for  combating  cholera 
were  now  more  favorable  than  in  1902,’’  and  we  have  the  following  re- 
sults : In  Manila  " a total  of  283  cases  and  243  deaths.” 

“ In  the  Provinces  the  results  of  the  campaign  against  cholera  were 
far  less  satisfactory  than  in  Manila,  as  was  to  be  anticipated,  owing  to 
the  lack  of  adequate  personnel,  but  the  cases,  which  numbered  34,238, 
and  deaths,  which  numbered  22.938,  were  far  fewer  than  during  the 
previous  epidemic.”  Examine  these  satisfactory  results  a little.  In 
1902  in  Manila  70.7  per  cent  of  the  cases  died  under  care;  in  the 
ITovinces  00.2  per  cent  of  the  cases  died  with  inadequate  care.  In 
1904  in  Manila  8.5.8  per  cent  of  the  cases  died  under  care,  with  im- 
proved and  more  favorable  conditions  ; in  the  Provinces  00.9  per  cent  of 
the  cases  died  under  inadequate  care.  Will  the  death  rate  in  the  Philip- 
pines, apparently  pretty  stead.v  at  60  per  cent  in  neglect  and  bad  condi- 
tions, finally  rise  in  Manila  to  100  per  cent  when  the  medical  treat- 
ment is  perfected  along  modern  lines?  Mr.  Worcester  aims,  however, 
to  .give  the  impression  that  danger  from  cholera  is  past;  that  the  dis- 
ease has  been  stamped  out.  Thus  he  states  that  deaths  from  cholera 
have  diminished.  “ In  1908  they  numbered  18,811  : in  1909,  7.300  ; in  * 
1910,  0.940  : in  1911,  203  : in  1912  there  were  none,  and  thus  far  in 
1913  there  have  been  none.”  Curious  contrariety  of  things!  In  a foot- 
note we  read  : “ Just  before  I left  Manila,  in  October,  1913,  cholera 
reappeared  there.” 

WOIiCESTER’S  BE.rSONIXG. 

There  is  no  question  that  Mr.  Worcester  has  been  doing  his  duty  all 
those  years  in  the  Philippines  with  Spartan  inflexibility  and  firmness. 
He  long  ago  recognized  that  no  thanks  were  to  be  expected  from  the 
Filipinos.  His  ” wild  people  ” are  responsive,  but  the  Filipinos  are  un- 
grateful. Mr,  Worcester's  best  friends  will  hardly  claim  that  he  is  a 
man  of  tact.  In  his  effort  to  prove  the  Filipino  Assembly  incapable  of 
good  legislation,  Mr.  Worcester  quotes  Speaker  Osmeiia  as  follows : 

“ The  bill  itself  was  sent  to  the  assembly  for  action  ; but  on  account  of 
the  unfriendliness  of  the  members  for  the  secretary  of  the  interior  and 
the  lack  of  sympathy  between  the  assembly  and  him,  it  was  not  given 
the  consideration  that  it  would  have  received  if  Mr.  Worcester  had  at 
the  same  time  sent  us  the  facts  w^hich  he  has  sent  on  to  the  United 
States.”  To  Mr.  Worcester  this  remark  of  Senor  Osmeua  merely  em- 
phasizes the  incompetence  of  the  Filipino  politician.  He  excuses  his 
not  supporting  his  bill  by  the  sending  of  facts  by  the  plea  that  they  all 
knew  the  facts.  The  truly  interesting  point,  however,  here  is  that  Mr. 
AYorcester  hun.g  onto  his  job.  even  when  he  was  so  much  hated  per- 
sonally that  legislation  was  adversely  affected.  ’This  was  true  for  years. 
His  usefulness  in  the  commission  ended  when  he  was  completely  dis- 
G9348— 1429G 


G2 


liked  by  that  body,  which  officially  represents  seven-eighths  of  the  Phil- 
ippine population.  The  tenacity  with  which  he  clung  to  his  office  after 
his  usefulness  was  gone  became  a joke.  If  it  were  not  so  pathetic  it 
would  be  very,  very  funny. 

On  the  first  occasion  when  I saw  Prof.  Worcester  he  was  talking  in 
dcfen.se  of  the  Benguet  road  ; he  is  still  defending  it ; he  wili  have  to 
defend  it  to  his  dying  day  : and  after  he  is  gone  apolo.gies  will  still  he 
in  order.  There  are  some  things,  however,  into  which  he  does  not  go. 
Thus  he  makes  hut  two  incidental  references  to  his  libel  suit  against 
El  Renacimiento.  It  was  the  best  newspaper  in  the  Philippines.  It 
was  ably  edited.  Mr.  Worcester's  suit  against  it  was  a famous  incident, 
which  should  not  have  been  neglected  in  this  hook.  Your  reviewer  felt 
at  the  time  that  the  I'nited  States  Government  would  have  done  wisely 
to  buy  off  Mr.  Worcester  at  any  price.  To  have  paid  him  $50,000  or 
$100,000  or  $200,000  damages  to  compensate  him  for  his  injured  feel- 
ings would  have  been  good  policy  and  real  economy.  There  had  been 
things  before  that  irritated  the  Filipinos,  hut  with  the  closin.g  up  of 
El  Renacimiento  Mr.  Worcester's  usefulness  in  the  islands  came  com- 
pletely to  an  end. 

A WASHING  or  DIRTV  LINEN. 

But  the  hook  is  full  of  Interesting  matter.  Some  of  it  is  commend- 
able, some  is  open  to  criticism  ; there  is  much  fact,  much  fancy  ; there 
is  much  unassailable  statement  of  fact,  much  casuistry.  On  the  whole 
it  is  an  apology,  a party  document,  a washing  of  dirty  linen.  Whom 
he  loves,  he  adulates  ; whom  he  hates,  he  lashes.  Many  excellent  men 
who  have  done  great  work  in  the  I’hilippines  he  ignores.  Toward  the 
end  of  his  hook  he  lays  an  excellent  basis  for  exploitation  ; he  appeals 
to  our  cupidity  ; he  shows  the  wealth  and  strategic  importance  of  the 
I’hilippines  Having  demenstrated  to  his  own  satisfaction  that  they  can 
not  and  will  not  develop  and  utilize,  we  must.  It  is  a simple  and  easy 
argument.  We  must  use  the  Filipino  to  develop  the  I’hilippines  for  us. 
He  will  work  under  direction,  not  alone.  “ We  soon  discovered  that  by 
picking  fairly  strong  men  and  feeding  them  plenty  of  meat  we  could 
make  them  able  and  willing  to  do  it  " — i.  e..  work.  Keep  at  it .'  There 
are  millions  there  for  us,  :f  only  we  can  make  them  do  the  heavy  work. 
Worcester's  hook  will  make  a capita!  promoter's  handbook  for  an  ex- 
ploitation company. 

Of  course,  we  can  never  fit  the  Filipino  for  independence  and  self- 
government  He  must  fit  himself.  We  shall  never  make  him  into  a 
white  man  like  ourselves — not  in  a thousand  years.  Why  should  wo  try 
to  do  so?  He  is  best  to  he  what  nature  made  him  capable  of  hecomin.g. 
When  we  withdraw — hut.  alas,  wo  are  unlikely  to  withdraw — he  will 
not  maintain  what  we  hate  developed.  He  ought  not  to  do  so;  he 
should  not  trj.  Our  .model  government  there  is  a misfit.  Filipinos  can 
develop  a fitter  one.  .TudgeJ  by  our  standards,  it  will  no  doubt  be  in- 
ferior. But  they  ought  to  have  a chance,  and  very  soon.  Many  com- 
petent judges  believe  they  are  less  fit  for  self-government  to-day  than 
when  we  took  them  over.  Some  believe  that  every  year  wc  stay  they 
become  loss  fit.  We  should  leave — the  sooner  the  better. 


FRIDAY,  OCTOBER  9,  1914. 

Time  Limit  to  Presidential  Yeto  on  Philippine  Legislation. 

Mr.  Mii.lei:  offered  the  following  amendment: 

-After  the  word  " States."  in  line  22,  page  8,  strike  out  the  period 
and  insert  a colon,  together  with  the  following;  "Provided  further. 
That  the  President  shall  approve  or  disapprove  any  act  mentioned  in  the 
foregoing  proviso  within  SU)  davs  from  and  after  its  enaetment  and  sub- 
mission for  his  approval,  and  if  not  approved  within  such  time  it  shall 
become  a law,  the  same  as  if  it  had  been  specifically  approved." 

**«:*»*<= 

Mr.  QT’EZOX.  Mr.  Clmirmaii,  it  is  with  a great  deal  of  diili- 
douce  that  I decide  to  jilace  iii.vself  in  opposition  to  the  chair- 
man of  the  Insular  Coniinittee.  for  whom  1 feel  not  only  res))ect 
hut  love.  IVliether  it  is  necessary  or  not  to  iiut  a time  limit 
to  the  President's  approval  on  legislation  affect in.g  our  cur- 
rency or  coinage  laws,  there  is  a very  good  reason  why  this 
limit  should  he  required  in  the  case  of  our  tariff  acts.  The 
G'J$4S— 1420G 


G3 


sentleniiiii  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Towner]  well  said,  when  he  dis- 
cussed his  amendment  to  this  section,  that  tariff  hills  are  essen- 
tially partisan  issues  in  the  United  States.  While  the  argu- 
ments of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  strongly  appealed  to  me 
as  justifying  the  elimination  of  the  whole  proviso,  I did  not 
feel  at  liberty  to  support  his  contention,  hecau.se  I see  the  force 
of  the  proposition  that  tariff  acts  necessarily  affect  foreign  rela- 
tions, and  as  long  as  the  Philii)pines  arc  under  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States  we  can  not  quite  expect  from  you  the 
granting  of  such  powers  as  may,  even  with  the  remotest  possi- 
bility, cause  you  anuo.vance  in  your  international  relations. 
But  surely  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota 
[Mr.  Miller]  does  not  involve  this  danger.  Our  tariff  bills  can 
not  become  laws,  under  the  terms  of  the  amendment,  unless 
approved  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  except  that  he 
must  act  within  three  months  or  else  the  proposed  measure  shall 
become  law  in  any  event  There  is  no  one,  I am  sure,  who  would 
care  to  contend  that  if  our  tariff  law  contained  any  item  that 
might  jeopardize  the  interests  of  the  American  peopie  or  provoke 
anj’  conflict  with  a foreign  power  the  President  should  not  at 
once  disapprove  it ; so  that  on  this  score  the  adoption  of  the 
amendment  will  do  no  harm.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  the 
distinct  advantage,  if  this  amendment  is  adopted,  that  when  the 
act  is  not  particularly  objectionable,  but  it  is  not  the  pleasure 
or  the  convenience  of  the  I’resident  to  approve  it,  he  may  let  the 
bill  become  a law  without  signing  it., 

I can  conceive  a case  in  which  a President  of  the  United  States 
may  prefer  not  to  approve  a tariff  bill  enacted  by  the  Philippine 
Legislature  and  yet  let  it  become  a law.  A Republican  President, 
for  instance,  in  all  likelihood  would  not  want  to  approve  a free- 
trade  tariff  bill  in  the  Philippine  Island  and  a Democratic 
Pi-esident  would  prefer  not  to  approve  a protective  tariff  bill. 

, Let  me  explain  to  the  committee  what  I mean.  I take  it  that 
file  President  of  the  United  States  would  wish  to  allow  the 
Philippine  Legislature  to  enact  such  tariff  laws  for  the  Philip- 
pines as  will  best  promote  the  interests  of  the  islands.  Suppose 
that  conditions  there  demanded  a protective  tariff  and  the  legis- 
lature enacted  that  kind  of  a tariff' ; let  us  suppose  also  that 
there  were  at  the  time  in  the  'White  House  a Democratic  Presi- 
dent. He  does  not  believe  in  protection,  his  party  does  not  be- 
lieve in  it,  and  if  he  is  a consistent  man  and  he  is  requii’ed  to 
approve  the  bill  affirmatively,  the  reasonable  assumption  is  that 
he  never  would  approve  it.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  could  allow 
the  bill  to  become  law  without  his  approval  and  he  were  satisfied 
that  there  would  be  no  harm  to  the  United  States  from  the 
operations  of  the  bill,  he  might  decide  to  leave  the  responsibility 
of  adopting  a protective  policy  to  the  legislature,  without  by  his 
signature  approving  of  that  policy.  The  same  thing  may  be 
said  if  the  islands  should  need  a low  tariff  or  free  trade  and  the 
President  were  a Republican.  Mr.  Chairman,  I deem  it  ver.v 
important  that  this  bill  should  give  the  I’resident  of  the  United 
States  an  opportunity  to  let  the  Filiiiinos  enact  such  laws  as 
they  consider  best,  but  which  the  President,  because  of  his  polit- 
ical principles,  ma,v  not  approve  of.  I hope,  therefore,  that  the 
committee  will  adopt  the  amendment. 

C9348— 1 i29G 


C4 


SATURDAY,  OCTOBER  10,  1914. 

AVoman  Suffrage. 

* * * * * * 

Mr.  Maxn  offered  the  following  amendment : 

Amend,  on  page  11,  line  l.">,  before  the  word  “ citizen,”  strike  out  the 
word  " male,''  and  in  line  21,  after  the  word  “ he,”  insert  the  words 
” or  she.” 

Air.  QUEZON.  Air.  Chairman,  it  is  evident  from  the  state- 
ments made  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Air.  AI.vnn]  that 
the  main  purpose  of  his  amendment  is  to  test  the  sentiment  and 
conviction  of  this  House  on  the  issue  of  woman  suffrage.  I 
submit.  Air.  Chairman,  that  the  Philippine  bill  does  not  offer 
the  proper  opportunity  for  such  a test. 

Air.  AIANX.  Will  tlie  gentleman  yield? 

Air.  QUEZON.  AA’ith  pleasure. 

Air.  AIANN.  It  is  the  only  opportunity. 

Air.  Ql'EZON.  I beg  to  disagree  with  the  gentleman;  and  if 
he  will  allow  me  to  continue,  1 think  I shall  be  able  to  prove 
that  I am  right.  . 

Statesmen  have  the  right  to  advocate  such  doctrines  as  they 
believe  should  be  embodied  in  law  to  further  the  public  good. 
But  I deny  that,  under  free  institutions,  legislative  bodies  have 
a right  to  enact  such  laws  when  the  people  whom  they  repre- 
sent are  not  favorable  to  them.  iVise  legislation  is  not  the  ex- 
pression of  mere  theories.  It  is  the  adaptation  of  those  theories 
to  the  circumstances  and  conditions  of  a country,  and  among 
free  people,  it  should  also  be  in  accord  with  and  not  against  the 
opinions  of  the  people  themselves.  These  propositions.  Air. 
Chairman,  are  nowadays  recognized  as  self-evident  truths.  If 
you  apply  them  to  the  amendment  now  before  the  committee, 
you  will  conclude  that  ,vou  shouhl  vote  down  the  amendment 
even  if  you  were  in  favor  of  woman  suffrage  for  the  United 
States. 

Air.  Chairman,  let  me  say  right  here  that  I believe  in  the 
political  equalit.v  of  men  and  women.  I would  not  subscribe 
to  the  theory  that  the  right  to  vote  belongs  exclusively  to 
man  because  of  his  sex ; therefore  I would  uot  withhold  the 
franchise  from  women  if  they  wanted  to  exercise  it ; but  neither 
would  I impose  this  duty  upon  them  against  their  will.  I 
say  “ duty.”  because,  in  my  opinion,  while  the  ballot  is  a right, 
once  the  right  has  been  granted  it  thereby  becomes  one  of  the 
most  important  duties  of  citizenship.  I am  therefore  oppo.sed  to 
the  amendment  introduced  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  l>e- 
cause  the  women  of  my  country — practically  all  of  them,  so  far 
as  I know  their  will — do  not  want  to  vote. 

A few  years  ago  a woman-suffrage  movement  was  undertaken 
in  Alanila  that  ended  in  complete  failure.  A few  meetings  were 
held,  but  it  has  not  been  possible  to  create  any  interest  in 
tins  movement  either  on  the  part  of  the  men  or  on  the  part  of 
the  women,  still  less  to  find  any  number  of  advocates  for  it. 
In  tlie  I'rovinces  nobody  ever  attempted  to  di.scuss  the  question, 
and  our  women  there  would  be  decidedly  against  it.  I hope, 
therefore.  Air.  Chairman,  tliat  the  committee,  in  its  wisdom,  will 
not  care  to  impose  uiion  our  women  the  duty  of  voting. 

Air.  Chairman,  while  I am  opposed  to  the  amendment  of  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois.  I welcome  the  opp.ortunity  he  has  thus 
offered  me  to  say  a word  or  two  about  Filipino  women.  An 
G9:i48— 1420G 


C5 


important  subject,  which  has  not  been  considered  to  the  extent 
that  it  deserves  in  the  discussion  of  Philippine  matters,  is  the 
condition  and  qualification  of  our  womanhood  and  the  part  it 
plays  in  our  life.  The  Filipino  woman  occupies  a position  en- 
joyed by  no  other  oriental  woman.  She  is  what  women  are  in 
the  most  enlightened  countries  in  the  woidd.  In  the  home  the 
wife  is  the  inspiration  of  her  husband ; the  mother,  the  molder 
of  the  character  of  her  sous;  the  daughter,  the  hope,  the  con- 
solation, the  comfort  of  her  parents.  Indeed,  even  in  business 
women  are  consulted  by  men.  Long  before  American  occupa- 
tion there  were  already  in  the  islands  public  schools  and  many 
colleges  for  women,  so  that  even  at  that  time  education  was  not 
an  exclusive  privilege  of  men.  Since  the  establishment  of  pub- 
lic schools  during  the  American  regime  the  benefit  of  free  edu- 
cation has  been  equally  enjoyed  by  our  girls  and  our  boys. 
Instances  are  not  rare  when  in  the  classes  th.e  intellectual  .star 
shines  from  among  the  girls.  In  the  University  of  the  Philip- 
pines some  of  the  graduating  classes  have  been  headed  by  girls. 
I venture  to  saj',  therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  character 
and  intelligence  of  our  women  alone  would  justify  our  optimism 
as  to  the  wonderful  iwssibilities  of  our  country.  Now,  let  me 
give  the  committee  a piece  of  information  taken  from  volume  2, 
page  117,  of  the  Philippine  Census  which  is  very  interesting. 
It  is  as  follows : 

The  number  of  women  who  reported  themselves  as  prostitutes  was 
470.  nearly  all  of  whom  were  in  Manila.  Of  these.  75  were  white,  nearly 
all  the  countries  of  Europe  being  represented,  besides  the  United  States. 
Two  hundred  and  sixty,  or  more  than  half,  were  yellow,  practically  all 
of  whom  were  .Japanese,  and  only  141,  or  1 in  25,000  of  the  female 
population  of  the  islands,  were  Filipinos.  It  is  rather  extraordinary 
that  in  this  Malay  Archipelago  seven-tenths  of  all  the  prostitutes  were 
from  foreign  lands,  a fact  which  speaks  volumes  for  the  chastity  of  the 
Filipinos. 

Mr.  Chairman,  one  word  more  and  I .shall  finish.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  impose  upon  our  women  the  burden  of  going  to  the 
polls  because  they  are  already  interested  in  public  questions. 
Their  wholesome  influence,  exercised  at  home,  tells  on  the  public 
mind. 

Therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  I am  sincerely  in  hope  that  the 
amendment  wili  be  voted  upon,  not  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  but  in  conformity  with  the  prefer- 
ence of  the  Filipino  women.  [Applause.] 


MONDAY,  OCTOBER  12,  1914. 

Government  of  the  Non-Christian  Tribes. 

Mr.  Towner,  of  Iowa,  introduced  the  following  amendment : 

“ Sec.  16a.  That  the  provisions  of  this  bill  shall  not  be  applied  to  the 
territory  occupied  by  nor  to  the  peoi)le  known  as  the  Moros  or  other 
non-Christain  tribes.  That  such  peoples  and  non-Christian  tribes  shall 
be  allowed  to  maintain  their  tribal  organization  and  government  sub- 
ject to  the  provisions  of  this  section.  That  the  government  of  the 
territory  now  occupied  by  the  said  Moros  and  other  non-Christian 
tribes  and  of  said  peoples  is  hereby  committed  to  a commission  to  be 
known  as  the  Philippine  Commission,  to  consist  of  three  persons  to  be 
appointed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  approval  of  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  and  the  Governor  General  or  Acting  Governor  Gen- 
eral of  the  Philippines.  That  said  three  members  so  appointed  shall 
receive  a salary  of  $5,000  each,  and  shall  hold  their  otficos  for  four 
years  and  until  their  successors  are  appointed  .and  qualified.  That  said 
commission  shall  have  such  powers  in  general,  except  as  modified  by 
C9348— 14296 5 


G6 


cxiatins  conditiona,  as  wero  j^rnntpd  to  tlie  commission  appointed  by 
the  President  of  the  Fnitod  States  by  the  order  of  April  7,  IPOO.  That 
said  commission  shall  have  power  to  ti’ansfer  from  time  to  time  such 
territory  and  peoples  to  the  Kovemment  and  jurisdiction  of  Uie  Philip- 
pine (iovernment.  as  provided  for  in  tlie  preceding  sections  of  this  act, 
by  and  with  tlie  consent  of  the  I’hiiippine  Legislature.  That  any  tribe 
or  people  of  such  Moros  or  other  non-Christian  tribes,  sufficient  in  num- 
ber and  of  suth  contiguous  residence  as  to  constitute  an  entity  capable 
of  municipal  organization  which  shall  desire  to  be  admitted  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Philippine  Government  established  in  preceding 
sections  of  this  act  and  who  shall  present  a petition,  signed  by  a ma- 
jority of  the  males  over  21  years  of  age  of  such  tribe  or  entity,  to  that 
effect  to  the  Philippine  Legislature,  may  be  admitted  upon  the  accept- 
ance of  the  transfer  or  jurisdiction  by  the  Philippine  Legislature  and 
the  approval  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  right  to 
amend,  modify,  or  repeal  this  section  is  hereby  reserved  to  Congress 
without  in  any  way  affecting  the  other  provisions  of  this  act.” 

ilr.  QUEZON.  Mt.  Cliairman,  I cau  not  permit  to  pass  un- 
cliallenged  tlie  statement  just  made  on  this  floor  by  tlie  gentle- 
man from  Iowa  [Jlr.  TowrtEE]  that  there  is  hatred  between  the 
non-Christian  Filipinos  on  the  one  hand  and  their  Christian 
brethren  on  the  othei'.  The  statement  is  not  original.  It  has 
several  times  heretofore  been  circnhited  by  well-known  persons 
from  one  end  of  thi.s  country  to  the  other,  anti  has  been  ac- 
cepted by  many  people  in  the  very  best  of  faith.  Among  these 
innocent  victims  of  such  falsehooils  is  doubtless  the  gentleman 
from  Iowa.  Such  a statement  .should  not  be  allowed  to  go 
further  without  the  most  energetic  protest  on  the  part  of  those 
who  know'  the  true  state  of  affairs  in  their  own  country. 

The  Moros  in  times  gone  by  have  sometimes  invaded  certain 
of  the  small  villages  inhabited  by  Christian  Filipinos.  It  is 
also  true  that  until  a few'  years  ago  there  were  a handful  of 
savages  hi  the  Philippines,  knowui  as  head-huntei’s,  w’ho  occa- 
sionally decapitated  some  Chri.stian  Filipinos.  P>nt  it  is  not  true, 
indeed  it  is  very  wide  of  the  mark,  to  say  that  such  happenings 
as  these  prove  that  there  is  any  particular  hatred  or  antagonism 
between  the  Christian  and  non-Christian  inhabitants  of  tlie 
Philippines. 

The  lack  of  discrimination  in  forming  opinions  on  Philippine 
issues  shown  by  persons  who  habitually  act  otherwise  on  mat- 
ters of  personal  moment  to  them  is  most  astonishiug.  Tliej' 
seem  to  take  at  face  value  whatever  they  hear  or  read  regard- 
less of  its  soundness  and  without  analyzing  the  motives  that 
iniglit  have  prompted  erroneous  statements. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from.  Iowa  is  a very  able  law- 
yer, and  if  he  would  only  apply  to  such  information  as  he 
got  regarding  the  supposed  hatred  between  Christian  and  non- 
Christian  Filipinos  some  of  the  common  and  rudimentary  prin- 
ciples of  evidence  he  would  at  once  discover  that  such  informa- 
tion is  by  no  means  plausible — indeed,  is  absolutely  unreliable. 

We  are  told,  Mr.  Chairman,  tliat  the  Jloros  hate  the  Christian 
Filipinos;  that  they  have  emphaticallj'  reiterated  that  they 
would  forcibly  resist  any  attempt  at  a government  of  their 
territory  by  the  latter;  that  they  love  the  .Americans,  are  happy 
under  American  rule,  and  are  begging  to  bo  permitted  to  con- 
tinue to  live  under  that  rule;  What  are  the  facts?  The  fixet 
is  that  while  it  Ls  true  that  the  Moros  have  attacked  and  killed 
some  Filipinos,  it  Vas  long  ago  (hat  they  did  so.  while  up  to 
two  years  ago  they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  attacking  and 
killing  American  soldiers.  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  number  of 
00348—14200 


67 


file  American  troops  killed  by  the  Moros  in  tbeir  resistance  to 
American  control  exceetled  by  far  the  number  of  Filipinos  that 
they  even  attempted  to  kill  in  past  years,  not  to  say  of  those 
they  actually  succeeded  in  killing.  That  Filipino  heads  have 
become  a part  of  the  trophies  of  the  head-hunters  in  times  gone 
by  is  undoubtedly  a fact;  but,  unfortunately,  Spanish  and  Amer- 
ican heads  have  also  been  taken  to  make  up  these  trophies. 
What  is  the  conclusion — the  only  logical  conclusion — to  be  de- 
rived from  these  premises?  That  the  Christian  Filipinos  were 
never  singled  out  as  the  most  desired  victims  of  warlike  iMoros 
and  head-hunting  pagans;  that  the  Moro  aversion  to  the  Chris- 
tian is  a matter  of  religious  fanaticism.  It  made  no  difference 
to  these  Mohammedans  whether  their  victim  was  an  American, 
a Spaniard,  or  a Filipino  so  long  as  he  bore  the  mark  of  the 
cross.  With  the  savages  their  head-hunting  occupation  was  a 
part  of  their  superstition,  and  the  color  of  the  head  mattered 
not. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  problem  of  governing  the  Moros  and  other 
non-Christian  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  is  by  no  means  as 
serious  a matter  as  the  question  of  governing  the  Indians  which 
Americans  had  to  face  in  the  early  days  of  this  Republic, 
and  if  the  Christian  Filipinos  were  given  an  opportunity  to  take 
care  of  their  backward  brothers  they  would  demonstrate  that 
the  task  did  not  even  deserve  to  be  termed  a problem.  In  my 
opinion  there  is  less  ground  for  the  suggestion  that  the  non- 
Christian  Filipinos  be  placed  outside  the  control  of  the  Philip- 
pine Legislature  than  there  would  be  for  the  suggestion  that  the 
Indians  of  this  country  should  be  beyond  the  control  of  Con- 
gress, since  there  is  more  community  of  interest  and  race  between 
the  Christian  and  non-Christian  Filipinos  on  the  one  hand  than 
between  the  American  Indians  and  the  white  Americans  on  the 
other. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I am  decidedly  opposed  to  the  amendment 
offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  and  I should  be  against 
the  passage  of  this  bill  if  that  amendment  were  to  be  adopted. 
For  one  thing,  that  amendment  would  retard  the  settlement  of 
the  so-called  problem  of  the  non-Christians. 

' I have  already  stated  in  my  main  speech  on  this  bill  that  the 
plan  of  representation  given  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  non- 
Christian  tribes  does  not  appeal  to  me;  but  that  I have  sub- 
mitted to  that  proiX)sal,  because,  after  all,  the  number  of  the 
appointed  members  who  are  to  represent  the  non-Christians  is 
so  small  in  comparison  with  the  rest  of  the  legislature  that  in 
practice  the  result  will  be  that  the  whole  of  the  Philippines  will 
be  under  the  control  of  the  elected  representatives  of  the  Fili- 
pino people. 

In  support  of  the  theory  that  thei’e  is  a very  deep  an- 
tagonism between  the  Christian  and  the  non-Christian  inhab- 
itants of  the  Philippines  there  have  been  printed,  Mr..  Chair- 
man, not  only  in  newspa])ers  and  magazines,  but  also  in  Govern- 
ment publications,  alleged  speeches  made  by  Moro  chiefs  on  dif- 
ferent occasions.  I have  also  read — it  was  not  my  good  for- 
tune to  be  present  at  the  time — the  speech  of  the  gentleman 
from  Minnesota  [Mr.  JIili.es],  delivered  three  months  ago,  in- 
forming this  House  of  similar  addresses  presented  to  him  during 
his  recent  visit  in  the  islands  by  some  important  heads  of 
pagan  tribes  and  by  prominent  dattos  among  the  Moros.  It  has 
C93I8— 14206 


68 


always  been  a puzzle  to  me  to  find  all  these  speeches  and  ad- 
dresses as  good  pieces  of  literature  as  the  best  of  our  orators 
upon  the  floor  of  this  House  could  present.  It  was  indeed  too 
difficult  for  an  ordinary  intellect  like  mine  to  explain  how  un- 
educated people,  some  of  them,  in  fact,  thoroughly  uncivilized, 
could  match  their  oratorical  qualities  with  highly  educated  men 
who  made  it  their  business  to  study  and  practice  eloquence. 

I have  often  wondered  whether  the  hand  that  penned  these 
speeches  was,  in  every  case,  a gloved  hand,  and  whether  the 
translator — for  they  were  translated  into  English  in  order  that 
they  might  be  understood  by  the  addressee — was  really  making 
a siieech  of  his  own.  Be  that  as  it  may.  we  have  on  our  side 
reason  and  eloquent  facts  that  tell  the  situation  more  convmc- 
inglv  than  anv  words,  certainly  than  all  these  speeches  and 
addresses.  To  the.se  facts  I wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
committee,  so  that  it  may  learn  something  besides  the  old 
theorv  regarding  Bhilippine  affairs. 

The  Moro  Province  is  to-day  governed  by  a civil  governor. 
No  longer  is  the  Moro  constantly  watched  by  a man  with  a gun. 

A new  law  has  been  enacted  since  Gov.  Harrison  became  Gov- 
ernor General  of  the  Philippines  for  the  administration  of  the 
‘ affairs  in  the  territory  mainly  inhabited  bj'  the  Mohammedans. 
This  change  has  taken  place  with  the  approval  of  the  \\  ar  De- 
partment, and  the  result  demonstrates  that  the  Moro  lives  peace- 
fully under  civil  authorities  and  that  the  Moros  can  get  along 
together  with  Christian  Filipinos  and  can  work  hand  in  hand 
with  them  for  their  common  welfare.  The  governor  of  the  aioro 
Province,  it  must  be  said,  is  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  indus- 
trious American  officials  who  ever  landed  on  Philippine  soil.  If 
at  all  possible  to  govern  the  Moros  through  civil  agencies,  the 
man  who  has  the  qualifications  to  show  its  lu'acticability  is  the 
man  chosen  by  Gov.  Gem  Harrison  Frank  \\.  Caipentei. 

Gov  Carpenter  has  been  in  full  charge  of  the  Department  of 
Mindanao— that  is  the  name  given  now  to  the  old  Moro  Prov- 
ince. and  it  includes  the  territory  iii  the  island  of  3Iindanao 
inhabited  bv  pagans— for  fully  10  months,  and  during  that  time 
there  has  been  no  disoiMer  nor  have  the  Moros  ever  risen  m 
arms  against  their  government.  Gov.  Carpenter  was 
uite  instructions  by  the  Governor  General  as  to  the  policies  he 
should  pursue  in  governing  the  Jiloro  country. 
make  that  country  as  much  a real  part  of  the  1 hilippme 
Islands  as  anv  other  Province  of  the  archipelago,  ihat  meant 
Hat  good  and  friendly  relations  between  the  Mohammedan. and 
Christian  Filipinos  should  be  fostered  and  that  the  Moros 
should  be  as  early  as  possible  given  the  same  opportunities  foi 
education,  sanitation,  and  material  development  as  the  inhab- 
itants of  other  Provinces  of  the  archipelago.  . , . 

Gov.  Carpenter,  with  that  quickness  of  mind  tliat  is  his 
peculiar  gift,  grasped  at  once  the  task  he  was  called  upon  to 
discharge,  and,  with  the  energy  and  determination  with  which 
he  always  enters  on  his  undertakings,  he  saiv  to  it  that  the  i- 
structioiis  of  Gov.  Harrison  were  at  once  put  into  effect.  And 
so  we  now  have  in  the  Moro  Province  more  schools,  more  roads, 
beHeVrniSioii,  and  more  cultivated  land  than  there  ever  was 

^*^\’^nectacle  doubtless  astonishing  to  men  who  believe  as  does 
the  g^leiiian  from  Iowa  IMr.  Towner]  is  likewi.se  being 
G9348— 1420G 


G9 


offered  since  tbe  reorganization  of  the  Moro  Province.  The 
provincial  boards  have  been  created  in  charge  of  the  sub- 
Provinces,  and  they  are  composed  of  a Filipino  as  gov- 
ernor, a Mohammedan  as  third  member,  and  an  American  as 
treasurer.  How  nearly  true  it  is  that  the  Moro  hates  to  have 
anything  to  do  with  the  Filipino,  and  how  much  he  dislikes 
any  other  government  but  a strong,  purely  American-controlled 
government,  we  can  judge  from  the  address  which  the  Moslem 
third  member  of  the  sub-Proviuce  of  Zamboanga  delivered  on 
the  inauguration  of  the  provincial  government,  of  which  lie  is  a 
member  by  appointment  of  Mr.  Carpenter.  I shall  call  the  at- 
tention of  the  committee  to  this  paragraph  of  that  speech : 

lie  who  thinks  that  it  is  impossible  for  the  Moslem  and  the  Filipino 
to  live  together  in  peace  and  participate  together  in  the  government  is 
foolish  and  lacks  wisdom. 

Can  there  be  a more  emphatic  denial  of  the  alleged  hatred 
between  Moros  and  Christian  Filipinos  than  the  foregoing  state- 
ment? Mr.  Chairman,  a Christian  Filipino  and  a Mohammedan 
are  now  working  together  in  the  government  of  their  common 
Province,  and  this  fact  alone  gives  us  the  best  evidence  that  the 
Moro  and  the  Filipino  not  only  can  live  together  peacefully  but 
can  also  cooperate  in  the  interest  of  the  public  good. 

With  regard  to  the  other  non-Christian  inhabitants  of 
the  archipelago  I shall  have  very  little  to  say.  Even  those  who 
are  most  pessimistic  as  to  the  possibility  of  placing  this  people 
under  the  Philippine  Government  admit  that  in  this  case  the 
difficulties  are  less  than  in  the  case  of  the  Moros.  I say  with- 
out hesitation  that  there  is  no  difficulty  whatever  in  having 
these  people  governed  by  Christian  Filipinos.  Had  a different 
policy  been  pursued  by  the  former  secretary  of  the  interior  in 
the  management  of  the  affairs  of  these  people,  thes'  would  have 
advanced  more  than  they  have  thus  far,  and  there  would  have 
been  to-day  a fully  established  intercommunication  between 
them  and  the  Christian  Filipinos.  The  new  secretary  of  the  in- 
terior is,  thank  God,  wise  enough  to  .see  that  the  old  policy  was 
wrong  and  injurious,  and  his  new  policy  is  to  promote  the  inter- 
mingling (ff  these  pagans  with  the  Christian  Filipinos.  He  has 
appointed  a delegate  whose  paramount  duty  is  to  bring  about 
this  result.  Less  appropriation  for  so-called  scientific  researches 
and  more  for  the  education,  sanitation,  and  means  of  communi- 
cation of  this  people  is  the  watchword  of  Secretary  Winfred  T. 
Denison.  In  connection  with  this  remark  I wish  to  insert  in 
the  Record  a quotation  from  an  address  delivered  by  Secretary 
Denison  before  the  Manila  City  Club,  as  follows : , 

To  be  concrete  : Within  the  last  few  days  the  question  has  come  to 
me  whether  I would  authorize  the  expenditure  of  PoOO,  more  or  less, 
for  the  photographing  of  mollusks. 

Now,  it  happens  that  I have  Just  returned  from  the  Mountain 
Province,  where  I found  a deep  necessity  and  a great  demand  for  school- 
teachers and  no  money  to  provide  them.  I had  this  choice  ; Should  I 
spend  P500  for  photographing  these  mollusks,  or  should  I spend  it  for 
a school-teacher?  I could  pay  the  whole  share  of  the  Insular  Govern- 
ment in  another  teacher  for  the  cost  of  these  photographs.  I am  not 
unaware  that  the  world  outside  of  the  Philippines  may  possibly  prefer 
the  photographs  of  the  mollusks  to  teachers  in  the  Mountain  I’rovince, 
but  can  there  be  any  doubt  in  the  mind  of  anyone  that  my  duty  is  to 
spend  that  money  for  the  interest  of  the  Philippines,  rather  than  to 
further  what  may  be  considered  the  interest  of  the  scientific  world  at 
large? 

This  is  a type  of  the  questions  which  are  constantly  arising.  It  is  an 
extreme  one,  and  one  that  is  unusually  ridiculous,  but  nevertheless  it 
serves  to  make  the  point. 

C934S— 1429G 


70 


Every  requisition  for  expenditure  involves  a choice  of  the  purpose 
proposed  as  against  all  other  possible  purposes,  and  it  behooves  an 
alien  administrator  to  have  a care  lest  he  gives  the  hobbies  of  his  own 
nation  priority  over  the  interest  of  the  people  whose  money  ho  is 
spending. 

A similar  thing  happened  in  the  first  month  I was  here.  I had  been 
to  Palawan,  and  had  found  there  40,000  people  without  a doctor.  This 
gave  me  a shock  which  1 shall  never  forget,  and  which  has  not  been 
minimized  by  my  having  subsequently  found  the  same  thing  on  a still 
larger  scale  in  the  Mountain  Province.  I had  visited  the  Moros  in 
the  southern  end  of  Palawan,  and  had  found  them  eager  for  a school- 
teacher— even  grown  men  petitioning  for  leave  themselves  to  go  to 
school.  I had  been  to  the  Culion  leper  colony,  and  had  received  the 
petitions  of  those  6 sisters  of  St.  Paul  de  Chatres  who  were  doing  all 
the  nursing  for  250  hospital  patients  and  caring  for  the  whole  out- 
patient and  dispensary  service  besides  ; and  they  had  asked  for  2 more 
nurses  and  P50  a month  for  extra  delicacies  for  the  more  desperate 
among  their  cases. 

With  these  things  in  my  mind  I returned  to  Manila  ; and  there  the 
very  first  thing  that  came  to  me  was  an  application  for  leave  to  spend 
P14.000  for  printing  the  results  of  ethnological  research  into  the 
habits  of  the  Rukidnons  and  other  non-Christian  tribes,  and  I said  to 
myself  : Is  it  for  the  interest  of  the  Filipino  people  that  these  manu- 
scripts should  be  printed  at  such  a cost,  rather  than  that  school- 
teachers and  doctors  should  be  sent  to  Palawan  and  more  help  to  those 
weary  sisters  of  St.  Paul  de  Chatres  and  the  lepers  in  their  care? 

Is  it  for  the  interest  of  the  Filipino  people  to  make  such  researches 
and  to  print  their  results  in  order  to  inform  the  -imerican  people  and 
the  outside  scientific  world  about  the  ways  and  habits  of  the  Bukid- 
nons,  rather  than  to  send  school-teachers  to  teach  the  Bukidnons  the 
ways  of  the  outside  world? 

It  was  urged  that  these  expenses  for  printing  were  a mere  bagatelle 
compared  with  the  cost  of  collecting  the  information,  and  that  it  was 
a pity  to  lose  the  I’esults  of  these  researches  for  a sum  so  small  when 
compared  with  the  vast  total  of  co.st  already  incurred  in  collecting  the 
information. 

Itut  for  P14,000  I could  either  cover  the  Mountain  Province  with 
school-teachers  or  cover  Palawan  with  doctors  or  fill  Culion  with 
nurses,  while  the  outside  world,  if  it  finds  itself  in  peremptory  need  of 
this  knowledge,  may  possibly  ho  able  to  find  the  money  somewhere 
except  in  the  pockets  of  the  Filipino  people. 

Then  it  was  urged  that  the  administrative  officers  of  the  Mountain 
Province,  the  governor,  the  lieutenant  governors,  and  all  the  Americans 
who  have  to  deal  with  those  people  up  there,  needed  these  researches 
to  guide  them  in  their  work.  That  might  possibly,  to  my  mind,  be  a 
justification  for  the  expense,  so  I set  that  question  aside  until  I could 
visit  the  Province,  and  then  I asked  everyone  of  these  officers  the 
question,  and  I found  that  not  one  of  them  had  ever  made  any  practical 
use  of  any  of  hese  things.  “ Interesting,”  they  said.  “ from  the  point 
of  view  of  the  advancement  of  the  science  of  the  world,  but  of  no  actual 
practical  use  to  the  Mountain  Province.” 

The  foregoing  statement  is  very  interesting,  since  it  shows — 
at  least  by  iuiplication — what  had  been  done  before  Secretary 
Denison's  time,  and  was  then  heralded  as  the  greatest  thing  a 
certain  iiersou  ever  did  in  his  life  1 

Jlr.  Chairman,  I sincerely  hoiie  that  the  gentleman  from  Iowa 
will  not  press  his  amendment.  The  gentleman  knows  that  the 
Philippine  Commission  under  the  present  organic  act  has  abso- 
lute control  over  the  Moro  and  other  non-Christian  Provinces, 
and  that  since  the  appointment  by  the  President  of  a majority  of 
Filipinos  on  the  commission  those  Provinces  have  been  in  effect 
governed  by  Christian  Filiiiinos.  AVere  it  true  that  there  was  a 
dislike  on  the  part  of  these  Christian  Filipinos  for  the  Moros,  it 
would  have  been  plainly  shown  in  the  conduct  of  the  present 
Philippine  Commission;  yet  the  fact  is  tlnit  although  the  reve- 
nues of  the  Philipiiine  Islands  have  fallen  off.  and  in  spite  of  the 
absolute  necessity  for  retrenchment,  this  Filipinized  commission 
has  api)ropriateJ.  more  money  than  ever  for  the  pagans,  and  has 
C9348— 14296 


71 


given  for  the  department  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu  P225,000;  for 
Agnsan,  P17,000 ; and  for  public  works  of  general  character  to 
be  oarrieti  out  in  these  countries,  P27.225.  With  these  concrete 
facts  I believe  tlie  gentleman  must  be  convinced  of  the  lack  of 
foundation  for  what  he  heard  or  read  about  antagonism  between 
the  Christians  and  non-Christians.  [Applause.] 


MONDAY,  OCTOBER  12,  1914. 

The  Successful  Administration  of  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison. 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Chairman,  I have  just  this  moment  re- 
ceived two  cablegrams  from  the  Philippines,  the  contents  of 
which  ought  to  fill  every  patriotic  American  with  joy  and 
pride.  One  year  ago  this  mouth  a new  Governor  General  for 
the  Philippine  Islands  arrived  in  Manila,  and  was  there  met 
with  a very  warm  and  enthusiastic  reception  bj'  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  Filipinos,  many  of  whom  came  fi’om  the  farthest 
corners  of  the  archii)elago.  This  Governor  General  was  the 
Plon.  Francis  Burton  Harrison,  of  New  York,  formerly  a dis- 
tinguished Member  of  this  House  and  now  the  chief  executive  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  [Applause.]  Arches,  bands  of  music, 
waving  flags,  and  fragrant  flowers  spoke  of  the  good  will  and 
the  high  expectations  of  the  people  of  the  I’hilippines  regarding 
their  new  Governor  General.  What  was  the  meaning  of  this 
magnificent  and  unprecedented  reception  given  to  a foreign 
governor?  Was  it,  perchance,  that  at  last,  the  Filipino  people 
had  forsaken  their  desii'e  to  be  the  masters  of  their  own 
destinies  and  were  actually  glad  to  receive  a foreign  ruler? 
No;  the  Filipino  people  were  then  aS  much  as  they  had  ever 
been — indeed,  as  much  as  they  are  to-day — united  in  their 
aspiration  to  have  as  their  chief  executive  a man  of  their 
own  kind  and  of  their  own  free  selection.  But  they  had  heard 
of  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  before ; they  had  read  some  of  the  remarks 
made  by  him  upon  this  floor,  when  he  was  still  a Member  of  tliis 
House,  touching  upon  tlie  Philippines,  and  they  therefore  be- 
lieved that  Gov.  Harrison  had  accepted  the  governorship  of 
the  islands  for  no  purpose  other  than  that  of  helping  the  Fili- 
pino people  to  harvest  the  precious  fruit  of  their  patriotic  en- 
deavors as  well  as  to  do  his  own  part  in  bringing  about  the 
early  redemption  of  the  pledge  of  his  country  to  give  the  islands 
a free  and  independent  government.  So  the  Filipino  people 
looked  upon  the  incoming  Governor  General  from  the  very 
moment  they  learned  of  his  ai)pointmeut  not  as  their  new  ruler, 
but  rather  as  their  adviser,  friend,  and  advocate.  And  so  they 
received  him  with  open  arms  and  loving  hearts. 

The  Filipino  people  have  not  been  disappointed  in  Gov.  Gen. 
Harrison.  He  has  almost  surpassed  our  expectations.  During  the 
year  which  has  just  elapsed  since  the  day  he  landed  on  Philip- 
pine shores  he  has  given  us  ample  evidence  that  he  is  an  able, 
efficient,  sympathetic,  and  just  executive  and  administrator;  a 
sincere  friend  of  ours,  earnestly  striving  to  promote  our  wel- 
fare and  liberty.  For  this  reason,  upon  the  annivei’sary  of  the 
goveimor's  arrival  at  Manila,  there  was  a great  public  demon- 
stration, equal  to  if  not  surpassing  in  its  display  of  affectionate 
feeling  the  one  given  him  upon  his  arrival. 

693-1 S—1429C 


72 


I shall  read.  Mr.  Chairman,  these  cablesrrf.ms  I hold  in  my 
hand,  for  they  Avill  tell  belter  than  I could  myself  of  what  took 
place  in  Manila.  One  cablegi’am  reads: 

Over  5O.0CX1  Filipinos  from  every  walk  in  life  and  irrespective  of 
political  atBliations  raarc'icd  to-day  to  Malacanan?  Palace  to  celebrate 
the  first  aaniversary  of  the  arrival  of  Gov.  Harrison.  A delesatiou 
from  the  people  presented  the  severnor  with  an  album  containing  a 
signed  resolution,  requesting  President  Wilson  to  keep  Mr.  Harrison  as 
Governor  General  until  the  Philippine  policy  of  the  President,  as  out- 
lined in  his  message  to  tte  Filipino  people,  delivered  through  Gov.  Har- 
rison last  year,  has  been  carried  out.  and  conve.ving  to  Gov.  Harrison 
the  confidence  and  faith  of  the  Filipino  people  in  their  governor,  as 
well  as  commending  his  untiring  and  successfui  efforts  to  carry  out  the 
President’s  policy.  Gov.  Harrison  addressed  the  gathering  briefiy,  as 
follows  ; 

•'  Your  presence  in  such  great  numbers  does  me  honor  far  beyond  my 
deserts,  but  more  important  still  you  once  more  display  the  good  will 
aud  confidence  of  the  people  of  the  Philippines  toward  the  people  of 
the  Fnited  States.  Our  people  are  your  friends,  and  they  are  prond  of 
your  progress  and  your  accomplishments.  As  the  representative  of  the 
United  States,  I desire  most  earnestly  to  merit  your  continued  friend- 
ship and  cooperation.  Both  these  you  have  already  shown  me  in  un- 
measirred  terms. 

••  One  year  ago  I delivered  to  yoi;  a message  from  President  Wilson. 
He  then  'authorized  me  to  say,  ’ Wo  regard  ourselves  as  trustees  acting 
not  for  the  advantage  of  the  United  States  tut  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Philippine  Islands.  Every  step  we  take  will  he  taken  with  a view  to 
the  ultimate  independenee  of  the  islands  aud  as  a preparation  for  that 
independence.’  To  both  of  these  principles  I now  reaffirm  my  unyield- 
ing aUcgiance.  To  both  these  principles  I have  adhered  during  this 
past  year  with  unfaltering  determination.  To  both  I shall  continue 
to  adhere.  And  in  this  determination  you  have  rendered  me  your  as- 
sistance in  every  way.  With  patience,  with  dignity,  and  with*  wisdom 
you  have  justified  the  words  of  Pi-esidcnt  Wilson  toward  you.  The  year 
'has  been  one  in  which  Filipinos  may  well  take  pride — not  only  tbe'fcw 
in  office  but  the  great  mass  of  the  people  as  well.  In  the  future  you 
will  tread  with  ever-increasing  powers  of  self-government  the  same  path 
of  moderation,  of  justice,  and  of  progress.  Let  us  continue  to  work  to- 
gether united  aud  in  harmonj’." 

Auotber  says  that  a committee,  composed  of  representative 
Filipinos  from  every  walk  in  life  and  of  dele.gations  from  all  the 
most  important  social  associations  in  the  Philippines,  adopted 
the  following  re.solution : 

Whereas  the  benefits  of  good  laws  and  liberal  constitution  are  only 
shared  by  the  people  through  the  faithful  execution  of  these  laws 
and  the  'mandates  of  said  constitution  by  executives  jealous  of  the 
strict  compliance  of  their  duties ; and 
Whereas  the  Hon.  Francis  Burton  Harrison.  Governor  General  of  the 
I’hilippine  Islands,  ever  since  his  assumption  of  office  has  faithfully 
interpreted  and  executed  not  only  the  laws  and  the  constitution  of 
the  I’hilippine  Islands  hut  also  the  policy  of  the  I’residcnt  of  the 
United  Slates,  as  outlined  in  his  message  to  the  Filipino  people  and 
conve.vcd  to  them  by  said  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison,  so  much  so  that  he 
has  brought  to  the  public  mind  the  conviction  that  there  now  exists 
in  these  islands  a government  that  protects  life  and  liberty  and  pro- 
motes prosperity  alike  to  the  natives  and  to  the  foreigners,  the  un- 
dersigned representing  the  people  of  Manila  and  neighboring  Prov- 
inces— 

llesolvcd,  First,  tliat  a vi.sit  be  paid  to  said  Governor  General,  the  Hon. 
Francis  Burton  Harrison,  at  Malacanang  I’alace  at  4 p.  m.  on  the  lltli 
day  of  October,  in  order  to  give  him  a public  and  official  testimony  of 
the  great  s:  tisfaction  that  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  feel  for 
his  upright  and  wise  administration. 

Second.  That  copies  of  this  resolution  be  sent  to  the  Philippine  Com- 
mission and  the  I’hilippine  Assembly. 

Third.  That  copies  of  this  resolution  be  sent  to  the  Resident  Com- 
missioners in  the  United  States,  with  the  request  that  they  communicate 
the  same  to  the  Congress  and  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  and 
state  at  the  same  time  tne  ardent  desire  of  the  people  of  the  I’hilippincs 
that  said  Hon.  Francis  Burton  Harrison  remain  as  chief  executive  of 
these  islands. 

00348—14206 


73 


Fourth.  That  a copy  of  this  resolution  be  presented  to  the  Governor 
General,  Francis  Iturton  ITarrlson,  written  in  an  allnim  and  signed  by 
the  executive  committee  and  other  representative  persons  who  may  wish 
to  do  so. 

Mr.  Cliainnau,  it  is  only  natural  that  the  Filipino  people 
should  thus  feel  toward  their  present  Governor  General.  They 
owe  it  to  him,  since  he  has  under  the  most  difficult  circum- 
stances succeeded  in  giving  them  an  efficient  and  very  satisfac- 
tory government.  The  first  anniverstiry  of  Mr.  Harrison’s  ad- 
ministration shows  a reduction  in  the  expenses  of  the  Philippine 
Government,  as  compared  with  the  last  six  months  of  the  pre- 
ceding calendar  year,  of  $2,000,000  per  annum,  out  of  a total 
expenditure  which  had  been  in  the  past  sli.ghtly  less  than 
$15,000,000  per  annum.  Nearly  one-half  of  this  great  saving 
had  been  effected  in  the  expenses  of  bureaus  and  offices,  and 
represented  real  economy  in  that  it  showed  a reduction  in  the 
“ overhead  ” cdst  of  administering  the  affairs  of  the  islands. 

A portion  of  the  governor’s  first  message  to  the  Philippine 
Legislature  was  devoted  to  a description  of  the  financial  difficul- 
ties which  the  insular  government  was  facing  upon  his  arrival. 
The  saving  effected,  as  I have  already  indicated,  shows  how 
great  an  effort  and  how  much  courage  and  determination  were 
necessary  to  accomplish  this  great  reduction  in  the  expenses  of 
the  government.  I shall  not  detain  the  House  by  reading  this 
message,  but  the  American  people  should  be  acquainted  with  it, 
and  therefore  I shall  Insert  it  in  this  part  of  my  remarks.  The 
message  referred  to  is  as  follows : 

Annu.cl  Message. 

Gentlemen  of  the  legislature,  for  the  first  time  since  the  occupation 
of  the  Philippine  Isiands  by  the  United  States  a Democratic  administra- 
tion assumed  control  of  the  United  States  Government  upon  the  4th  of 
last  March.  Ten  days  ago,  as  the  representative  of  that  administration, 
I came  to  you  as  your  chief  executive  bearing  a message  from  Presi- 
dent Woodrow  Wiison.  That  message,  indicating  the  poiicy  of  the 
President  in  respect  to  these  islands,  I have  already  delivered  to  the 
Philippine  people  in  his  name. 

The  President  has  promised  that  he  will  give  immediately  to  the 
people  of  the  Philippines,  as  the  first  step  toward  carrying  out  his  pol- 
icy, a majority  of  the  appointive  commission.  This  legislature  will, 
therefore,  for  the  first  time  have  a majority  of  native  citizens  in  both 
branches.  In  consequence  the  eyes  of  the  American  people  will  be  upon 
this  legislature  with  a confident  expectation  that  it  will  furnish  to  the 
world  a proof  that  you  are  capable  of  self-government  and  that  it  will 
measurably  advance  the  day  of  independence. 

You  begin  your  labors  at  a time  of  profound  peace  throughout  the 
islands.  It  is  our  duty  to  conserve  it. 

GOVERNMENT  AND  BESINESS. 

Every  legitimate  business  enterprise  should  and  will  receive  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Insular  Government.  But  we  must  bear  in  mind  that 
business  is  intended  to  serve  the  Government,  not  the  Government  to 
serve  business.  The  duty  of  government  is  to  see  that  every  business 
man  receives  an  equal  opportunity  before  the  law,  not  that  any  busi- 
ness man  should  enjoy  a special  privilege. 

The  best  service  that  a government  can  properly  render  to  commercial 
enterprise  is  to  restore  confidence  and  to  promote  good  feeling.  If  the 
new  administration  here  shall  be  the  Instrument  of  bringing  about  a 
better  understanding  between  the  different  elements  of  the  community, 
it  will  be  promoting  the  best  interests  of  the  business  world.  Good  feel- 
ing between  all  classes  of  residents  in  the  islands  is  the  best  asset  of  a 
business  community.  It  should  he  our  duty  and  it  will  be  my  constant 
preoccupation  to  leave  nothing  untried  to  bring  about  this  happy  result. 

Before  proceeding  to  a discussion  of  any  other  matter,  1 submit  for 
your  consideration  a report  recently  made  by  the  former  secretary  of 
the  interior  of  this  Government  upon  the  subject  of  slavery. 

693-18—14290 


74 


DEFICIT  DEMANDS  ECONOMY. 

My  term  of  service  in  this  Government  has  been  short.  I am  not  at 
this  moment  prepared  to  advise  with  you  upon  all  subjects  of  public 
interest.  At  a future  day  I shall  ask  your  indulgence  to  send  to  you 
other  messages  upon  matters  of  public  moment.  For  the  present  I 
direct  your  attention  to  one  special  subject  in  my  judgment  of  para- 
mount importance. 

The  most  pressing  need  of  the  hour  is  economy  in  the  public  expendi- 
tures. This  matter,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  most  important  question  now 
affecting  the  success  and  welfare  of  this  Government.  Uased  upon  the 
estimates  of  probable  receipts  and  expenditures  for  the  current  fiscal 
year,  as  published  by  the  auditor,  it  is  probable  that  the  Government, 
without  the  adoption  of  a drastic  program  of  economy  is  face  to  face 
with  a deficit  of  about  four  and  a half  million  pesos. 

From  June  30.  1908,  when  the  surplus  in  the  insular  treasury  was 
1*17.499,894.97,  the  surplus  has  fallen  as  of  June  30,  1913,  to  i*14,230,- 
220.23.  Of  this  sum.  however,  about  P5.000,000  is  only  nominally  avail- 
able, it  being  invested  in  supplies  and  having  been  carried  to  the  surplus 
account  in  1911,  thus  leaving  an  actual  cash  surplus  in  hand  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  last  fiscal  year  of  only  about  P9,000,000. 

This  shrinkage  in  the  available  surplus  of  the  Gov^rment  has  come 
about  notwitstanding  the  fact  that  during  this  period  of  four  years  the 
sum  of  1*0,000.000  has  been  obtained  by  the  sale  of  an  issue  of  public 
works  bonds,  and  expended  out  of  the  treasury,  and  notwithstaudin.g  the 
further  fact  that  a little  less  than  three  and  a half  million  pesos  from 
the  gold-standard  fund  has  during  this  period  passed  through  the  treas- 
ury in  the  same  way. 

At  the  present  rate  the  auditor  on  June  30,  1913,  estimated  that  the 
current  expenditures  of  this  Government  would  exceed  the  income  by 
about  1*2,000,000  in  the  course  of  the  fiscal  year.  In  this  connection  it 
is  fair  to  say  that  the  insular  collector  of  customs,  in  making  his  esti- 
mate to  the  auditor,  properly  discounted  the  fact  that  owing  ro  the  lim- 
ited importation  of  rice  the  custom  revenues  would  fall,  and  they 
actually  have  fallen  in  the  first  two  months  about  Pl.GOO.OOO.  It  is 
also  fair  to  state  that  the  estimates  made  at  the  same  time  by  the  col- 
lector of  internal  revenue  were  probably  exaggerated  when  he  predicted 
an  increase  of  about  1*1,000,000  in  internal  revenue:  in  any  event  it  is 
certain  that  this  expected  increase  has  not  only  failed  to  materialize 
thus  far,  but  that  we  are  actually  running  behind  the  internal-revenue 
receipts  of  the  preceding  fiscal  year  in  a sum  which  for  the  first  three 
months  has  exceeded  PIOO.OOO.  This  decrease  may  possibly  be  offset  by 
the  collection  of  the  new  income  fax. 

While  it  ii  possible  that  the  income  from  customs  may  improve  some- 
what from  the  present  date,  approximately  1*3,000.000  may  be  figured 
as  the  probable  deficit  based  upon  the  ordinary  income  and  expendi- 
ture of  the  government  for  the  present  year.  To  this  we  must  add  the 
sum  of  PI, 500,000  of  which  the  treasury  is  to  be  deprived  in  the  bal- 
ance of  the  current  year  by  the  passage  of  the  Underwood  tariff  bill, 
which  removes  the  tax  upon  exports. 

COMMENDS  UXDEnWOOD  Blt.L. 

Too  much  can  not  be  said  in  commendation  of  the  Underwood  tariff 
bill  in  its  relation  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  Not  only  does  this  act 
remove  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  I’ayne  law  upon  the  amount  of 
sugar,  tobacco,  and  rice  which  may  be  exported  fi’ce  to  the  United 
States,  but  in  removing  the  export  tax  upon  such  commodities  as  hemp, 
copra,  and  sugar  a heavy  burden  of  taxation  is  lifted  from  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  farmers  of  the  I’hiligpine  Islands,  aud  an  immediate  in- 
crease in  their  prosperity  is  confidently  expected  as  a result  of  this 
measure. 

Our  treasury  is  therefore  obviously  approaching  a point  where  a 
deficit  of  P4. 500.000  confronts  us.  IIow,  then,  shall  we  avoid  this 
deficit  and  restore  the  finances  of  our  government  to  a normal  and 
self-supporting  condition?  In  my  judgment  hut  one  course  Is 
open  to  us.  I can  not  offer  to  you  the  possibility  of  an  issue  of 
public  bonds  to  recoup  the  treasury.  However  much  justification 
might  be  found  in  the  eyes  of  some  for  a bond  issue  for  some 
work  of  great  public  importance,  no  argument  can  support,  under 
any  system  of  government,  a bond  issue  to  meet  current  expenses. 
Indeed,  a bond  i.ssue  to  recoup  a falling  treasury  is  tantamount  to  a 
confession  of  bankruptcy.  Even  if  we  could  hope  to  secure  congres- 
sional action  upon  an  application  for  such  an  issue  of  bonds  we  would 
be  condemned  in  the  eyes  of  otlfi'r  nations  for  a failure  to  manage 
our  affairs  here  upon  a sound  and  conservative  basis. 

I repeat,  then,  onl.v  one  course  lies  before  us,  and  that  is  econom.v 
of  the  most  drastic  kind.  In  considering  the  question  of  economy  I 
C934S— 14290 


75 


urjre  upon  the  members  of  the  legislattire  that  they  approach  this  sub- 
ject in  a spirit  of  cooperation  and  self-sacrifice.  It  may  he  that  for  the 
time  being  partial  cessation  of  some  of  the  public  works  will  be  re- 
quired, and  this  ma.v  bring  temporary  disappointment  to  certain  locali- 
ties in  the  islands,  but  it  is  my  earnest  hope  and  intention  that  as  soon 
as  the  treasury  can  be  restored  to  a sound  basis,  the  public  works 
shall  go  forward  uninterrupted  and  with  renewed  zeal. 

A considerable  burden  is  also  laid  upon  the  treasury  by  the  large 
proportion  of  American  employees  in  this  Goverament.  While  the 
enunciated  policy  has  been  to  reduce  this  number  as  rapidly  as  possible 
consistent  with  the  demands  of  fairness  and  efficiency,  the  last  annual 
report  of  the  bureau  of  civil  service  shows  that  there  were  more 
Americans  haring  a permanent  status  in  the  Philippine  civil  service  in 
1912  than  in  any  previous  year  since  1905,  .‘Vt  the  present  time  no 
further  civil-sciwice  employees  should  be  brought  here  from  the  United 
States  to  fill  purel.v  clerical  positions,  nor  in  any  event  except  where 
special  requirements  may  make  such  course  necessary. 

TOP-HEAVY  P,ORE.lUCnACY. 

These  islands  have  need  of  a simple  and  scientific  form  of  govern- 
ment. Instead  of  that,  we  find  a complicated  and  top-heavy  system  of 
bureaucracy.  Much  can  be  done  toward  simplifying  this  bureau  form 
of  government,  and  in  this  connection  I invite  your  consideration  to 
the  possibility  of  a reduction  in  the  number  of  the  bureaus  by  con- 
solidation or 'otherwise  It  has  also  been  suggested  that  some  of  the 
salaries  of  the  higher  Government  officials  are  disproportionate  to  the 
size  of  the  insular  revenues.  When  you  proceed  to  a discussion  of  this 
question,  I strongly  recommend  to  you  that  no  change  be  in  any  event 
effected  in  the  judicial  salaries,  nor  in  the  salaries  of  employees  who 
are  receiving  t"5.000  or  less.  We  find,  moreover,  that  as  an  incident 
to  highly  centralized  bureaucratic  goverament  a number  of  offices  have 
been  'created  and  salaries  have  been  raised  without,  what  seems  to 
me  to  have  been,  due  authority  of  law  ; and  as  further  inevitable  result 
of  bureaucracy,  hero  as  elsewhere,  too  many  offices  now  exist.  You 
are  invited  to  scrutinize  the  bureaus  of  this  Government  with  an  eye 
to  economy  in  that  respect. 

.V  further  and  perhap.s  considerable  saving  might  be  effected  by  a 
change  in  our  method  of  appropriations ; good  usage  elsewhere  com- 
mends to  ns  a s.vstem  of  direct  treasury  appropriations. 

In  this  connection  it  is  tny  hope  that  previous  differences  of  opinion 
between  the  two  houses  may  now  be  removed.  This  legislature,  which 
meets  to-day,  should  proceed  to  its  work  with  a determination  that 
the  two  houses  will  act  in  harmony,  and  that  the  necessary  supply  bills 
of  the  Government  may  become  law  by  the  joint  will  of  the  legislature 
instead  of  through  the  individual  fiat  of  the  executive. 

ON  TP.IAL. 

The  present  financial  condition  of  this  treasury  calls  for  action  of 
the  highest  order  of  self-denial  and  patriotism  on  the  part  of,  this 
legislature.  The  President  has  promised  you  a majority  in  the  upper 
house,  so  that  you  may  have  control  of  both  branches  of  your  legis- 
lature. In  doing  thus  he  placed  upon  you  the  responsibility  to  show 
to  the  whole  world  j'our  capacity  to  legislate.  Here  at  the  outset  a 
severe  trial  is  upon  you.  I call  upon  each  member  of  this  legislature 
to  do  his  share  in  the  work  which  I have  outlined.  I do  this  assured 
that  in  this  first  .and  perhaps  most  severe  test  to  which  your  honor- 
able Iiody  will  be  subjected  yon  will  prove  entirely  worthy  of  the 
confidence  placed  in  you  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Great  and  commendable  as  is  tbe  work  done  by  Gov.  Gen. 
Harrison  in  the  direction  I have  described,  it  is  not  all  nor  is 
it  tbe  most  important  of  bis  achievements  within  this  short 
periotl  of  time.  When  he  came  to  the  islands  the  Filipino  people 
were  beginning  to  doubt  their  in.sular  administrators.  Ever 
since  the  beginning  of  the  American  administration,  and  in 
accord  with  the  celebrated  instructions  of  President  McKinley, 
Governors  General  have  been  promising  to  place  Filipinos  in 
the  appointive  positions  of  that  government  as  soon  and  as  fast 
as  they  could  show  themselves  capable  of  filling  those  positions. 
Yet  in  his  report  for  1903  Gov.  Gen.  Forbes,  speaking  of  the 
bureau  of  civil  service,  said  that  the  progress  made  in  increas- 
ing the  proportion  of  Filipino  employees  was  not  satisfactory. 
Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  found  that  in  1912,  as  sho^ra  in  the  report  of 
69348—14296 


7G 


the  bureau  of  civil  service  for  that  year,  there  were  more  Ameri- 
cans having  a iieriuaneut  status  iu  the  Philippine  service  than 
in  any  previous  year  since  1905.  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  came  for- 
ward with  tlie  fearless  purpose  of  redeeming  the  pledges  of  his 
predecessors  as  well  as  with  that  of  carrying  out  the  policies 
of  the  President  and  making  his  own  desires  effective.  He 
therefore  began  to  appoint  Filipinos  to  responsible  i>ositions, 
and  his  early  action  on  this  score  at  once  revived  the  declining 
faith  of  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  in  the  protesta- 
tions of  the  previous  Governors  General.  Both  the  policy  of 
economy  and  that  of  doing  justice  to  the  Filipino  people  pro- 
voked a storm  of  criticism  on  the  part  of  the  necessary  victims  of 
such  a policy,  and  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  was  accused  of  disorganiz- 
ing the  Philippine  Goverament,  of  disregarding  the  civil-service 
rules,  and  of  using  the  methods  of  the  ward  politician.  An 
article  purporting  to  be  an  interview  with  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison 
saw  the  light  in  a Honolulu  newspaper.  This  was  quoted  and  re- 
quoted and  several  times  reprinted  to  show  that  Gov.  Gen.  Har- 
rison was  an  ordinary  politician,  to  be  ranked  with  those  who 
believe  in  and  practice  the  spoils  systeni  in  its  most  extreme 
form.  One  of  the  most  notorious  occasions  on  which  use  was 
made  of  this  supposed  interview  was  the  citation  of  it  by  ex- 
Secretary  Dean  C.  Worcester,  formerly  of  the  Philippine  Gov- 
ernment, in  his  book  entitled  “ The  Philippines — Past  and  Pres- 
ent,” published  after  the  Philippine  Islands  I’.ad  been  relieved 
of  his  authority.  On  page  377  of  his  book  I quote  the  fol- 
lowing : 

While  in  Honolulu,  en  route  to  Jlanila,  Mr.  Harrison  gave  out  an 
interview,  which  I am  credibly  informed  he  has  since  confirmed  in 
substance.  It  contained  the  following  statements  : 

“ For  years  I have  been  of  the  minority  in  Congress,  and  have  seen 
the  Democrats  kicked  about,  trampled  upon,  and  otherwise  manhandled 
by  Republicans,  so  that  I must  confess  it  now  gives  me  a saturnine 
pleasure  to  see  the  Democrats  in  a position  to  do  the  same  thing  to  the 
Republicans.” 

His  early  official  acts  after  arrival  at  Manila  confirmed  the  belief 
that  this  was  indeed  the  spirit  in  which  he  was  facing  the  great 
responsibility  which  there  confronted  him. 

It  is  beyond  doubt  or  cavil  that  high  ideals  heretofore  have  prevailed 
in  the  Philippine  civil  service.  Are  they  now  to  be  substituted  by  the 
methods  of  the  ward  politician? 

I do  not  know  who  was  this  “ credible  ” informant  of  Mr. 
Worcester.  But  ever  since  he  began  his  attack  upon  Gov.  Gen. 
Harrison  he  has  been  disseminating  so  much  of  the  same  “ cred- 
ible information,”  which  proved  afterwards  to  be  absolutely  un- 
reliable that  it  makes  no  difference  who  this  particular  informant 
is.  I received  a cablegram  some  time  ago  from  Gov.  Gen  Har- 
rison iu  answer  to  one  of  inquiry  from  me  positively  denying 
that  he  had  ever  made  such  statements.  I did  not  need  to  ask 
him  (and  I hoiie  the  Governor  knew  that  I did  not  cable  him 
for  that  purpose),  in  order  to  assure  myself  that  he  did  not 
grant  such  an  interview.  I have^the  honor  of  knowing  per- 
sonally the  motives  that  inspired  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  in  accept- 
ing the  Governor  Generalship  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  I saw 
what  he  did  following  his  as-sumption  of  office,  and  I was  there- 
fore fully  aware  that  the  alleged  interview  was  a falsehood — 
the  mere  invention  of  an  unscrupulous  reporter.  But  I sent 
this  cablegram  to  the  Governor  iu  order  to  be  able  to  say  that 
he  positively  and  direotly  repudiated  the  interview. 

G934S— 1429G 


The  truth  is  that  the  methods  of  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  in  mat- 
ters of  appointment  are  absolutely  free  not  only  from  any  justi- 
fied charfre  but  even  from  any  appearance  of  justification  that 
he  has  employed  the  methods  of — in  the  words  of  Mr,  Worces- 
ter— “ a ward  politician.”  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  has  not  given  posi- 
tions in  the  Philippine  Government  to  personal  friends.  He 
has  not  brought  with  him  relatives  to  do  business  in  the 
islands  or  to  engage  in  agriculture  on  lands  rented  or  purchased 
from  the  Philippine  Government,  and  this  dignified  conduct  of 
the  Governor  is  the  more  praiseworthy  since  he  is  the  first 
Governor  General  of  the  islands,  who  was  previously  a Member 
of  Congress,  and  had  therefore  many  political  friends,  a circum- 
stance which  doubtless  has  on  more  than  one  occasion  put  to 
a test  his  integrity  of  character  and  devotion  to  duty.  [Ai> 
plause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

The  all-embracing  activity  of  our  Governor  General  made  it 
possible  for  him  not  only  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  the  Philip- 
pine Government,  not  only  to  relieve  that  government  of  un- 
necessary officials,  not  only  to  give  to  the  Filipinos  such  jiosts 
as  they  should  immediately  have,  but  also  to  dispose  of  every 
question  that  required  immediate  attention  and  to  inaugurate  a 
successful  system  of  government  for  the  uoii-Christian  tribes, 
which  lK>fore  his  attempt  had  been  looked  to  as  sure  to  pro- 
duce dreadful  eft'ec-ts.  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  has  pi’actically  solved 
the  so-called  Moro  problem.  The  Filipinos  professing  the  JIo- 
hammedan  religion  and  inhabiting  the  islands  of  Jolo  and  west- 
ern and  central  parts  of  Mindanao  have  given  continuous  trouble 
to  the  American  Government.  They  were  never  actually  under 
the  control  of  Spain,  and  it  had  been  stated  that  said  Filipinos 
who  are  called  Moros  could  be  governed  only  by  a strong  military 
force  that  must  be  composed  primarily  of  Americans.  There  were 
sug.gestions  that,  in  the  wordsof  an  old  saying,  somewhat  adapted, 
“ The  only  good  Moro  is  the  dead  Moro.”  At  all  events,  it  was 
most  emphatically  asserted  that  they  could  not  be  governed  by  a 
civil  governor.  In  consultation  with  the  tVar  Department,  Gov. 
Gen.  Harrison  substituted  a civil  for  the  military  .goveimment  of 
thoMoro  Province  before  he  was  two  months  in  Manila,  and  to-day 
a new  law  has 'already  been  enacted  that  has  reorgnized  the  gov- 
ernment of  that  country,  with  the  result  that  there  is  to-day  com- 
plete tranquillity  and  peace  among  these  supposedly  indomitable 
peoi>le;  with  the  further  result  that  there  are  more  schools  and 
better  sanitation  among  them,  and  with  the,  crowning  result 
that  twice  as  much  land  was  under  the  plow  on  March  31,  1914, 
as  there  was  when  Gov.  Carpenter,  of  the  Moro  Province,  was 
inaugurated  in  November  or  December  of  last  year.  The  other 
non-Christian  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  have  also  been 
properly  dealt  with.  It  was  the  old  polic.y  to  isolate  them  from 
the  Christian  Filipinos.  There  were  indications  that  this  was 
done  with  no  very  sane  purpose.  At  any  rate,  it  was  a most 
unreasonable  plan,  sure  to  accomplish,  whether  so  meant  or  not, 
the  development  in  tlie  Philippines  of  a people  within  another 
people,  differing  in  ideas  and  customs  with,  if  not  antagonistic 
to,  the  latter.  It  retarded  the  development  of  the  former  by 
depriving  them  of  intercommunication  with  their  more  advanced 
and  civilized  brethren.  Gov.  Gen.  Harri.son,  in  consultation  and  in 
accord  with  the  able  and  industrious  secretary  of  the  interior, 
G9348— 1429G 


78 


Hon.  Winfred  T.  Denison,  lias  reversed  that  policy  and  lias  inaug- 
urated a new  one,  by  which  contact  between  the  Christians  and 
non-Christians  is  brought  about  and  a more  intimate  relation 
is  created,  while  more  attention  is  given  to  their  education  and 
to  their  health.  The  secretary  of  the  interior,  in  his  instructions 
to  his  delegate  for  the  government  of  the  non-Christians,  said  : 

You  shall  endeavor  to  make  yourself  in  good  truth  the  unifler,  tear- 
ing down  as  rapidly  as  possible  the  walls  which  have  isolated  the  non- 
Christians  from  the  Christians. 

Gov.  Geii.  Harrison  has  not  only  merited  the  love  of  the  Fili- 
pinos themselves,  but  the  applause*  of  his  superiors — the  Secre- 
tary of  War  and  the  President.  Upon  the  passage  of  the  first 
appropriation  bill  enacted  by  the  Philippine  Legislature,  in  ac- 
cord with  the  suggestion  of  the  Governor  General  in  his  mes- 
sage, to  which  I have  before  referred,  the  President  sent  him  a 
cablegram  expressing  his  appreciation  for  his  successful  admin- 
istration, and  the  Secretary  of  War  sent  him  the  following 
message : 

I congratulate  you  upon  the  passage  for  the  first  time  in  three  years 
of  a general  appropriation  bill  and  on  the  fact  that  the  bill  was  passed 
unanimously  by  both  houses.  I t ave  no  doubt  but  that  there  were,  as 
to  a groat  many  features,  differences  of  opinion,  but  it  is  a source  of 
satisfaction  to  the  department  that  such  differences  were  satisfactorily 
adjusted.  I’lease  extend  to  both  houses  of  the  I’hilippino  Legislature 
my  congratulations  on  this  event  and  express  to  them  my  hope  that  this 
is  but  an  indication  of  what  may  be  expected  in  the  future. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I shall  no  longer  detain  the  House  with  this 
topic,  though  I am  sure,  from  the  close  attention  with  which  the 
committee  has  heard  me,  that  the  iMembers  are  glad  to  hear  of 
the  wonderful  accomplishments  of  a dear  friend  and  once  their 
colleague.  I want  to  say  only  one  other  word,  and  I mean  it  for 
every  American  interested  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  Fili- 
pinos owe  to  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  a debt  of  gratitude  that  they 
can  never  pay.  He  has  served  them  as  faithfullj'  as  the  most  in- 
telligent and  patriotic  of  their  own  people  or  of  their  own  selec- 
tion could  have  done.  He  has  served  them  disinterestedly,  de- 
votedly, and  untiringly.  IMay  God  grant  that  he  remain  at  the 
head  of  our  government,  representing  this  great  Nation  there, 
until  tlie  day  shall  have  arrived  when  the  Filipino  people  may 
elect  his  successor.  Put  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  has  not  oidy  served, 
not  even  mainly  served,  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands;  he 
has  also  served  his  own  jieople,  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
He  lias  served  them  both  in  a practical  way  and  in  furthering 
their  ideals  of  government.  He  has  sorvetl  them  in  a practical 
way  because  the  policies  of  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison,  his  gentleness 
and  justness  in  dealing  with  the  Filipino  people,  have  made  the 
Filipinos  better  friends  of  the  Americans.  To-day  the  American 
employee,  the  American  business  man,  is  better  liked  and  better 
helped  by  the  Filipinos.  He  has  served  them  in  furthering  the 
ideals  of  this  Government,  because,  as  the  (iovernor  (Jeneral 
him.self  stated  it  in  his  speech  at  the  baiuiuet  of  welcome  ten- 
dered him  the  night  of  his  arrival  in  IManila,  he  was  rendering 
the  best  service  tliat  he  could  render  to  his  country  by  promoting 
the  success  of  the  aspirations  of  the  Filipino  people.  These  are 
his  own  words : 

standing  lierc  nefore  tbi.s  flag,  to  which  I,  in  common  with  you,  owe 
allegiance,  and  of  which  I am  proud,  I pledge  to  you  that  the  best 
service  that  I can  render  to  my  coiintry  is  to  render  service  to  the  best 
aspirations  of  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

G0348— 1-129G 


79 


5Ir.  Chairman,  I entertain  the  hope  that  the  day  wili  some- 
time arrive  when  the  arrival  of  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  in  the 
rhilippines  wili  be  celebrated  as  one  of  our  national  holidays. 
[Applause.  1 

In  connection  with  my  remarks,  I wish  to  print  the  following 
interview  given  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  which  was  published 
in  the  Christian  Science  Monitor,  and  also  a short  quotation 
from  a very  responsible  newspaiier  in  the  United  States,  that 
may  give  the  keynote  to  the  attacks  made  upon  Gov.  Gen. 
Harrison : 

Mr.  Secretary,  you  were  quoted  the  other  day  as  saying  that  a good 
many  misstatements  were  being  printed  about  the  situation  in  the 
Philippines,  and  that  you  would  like  the  people  to  get  information  that 
is  accurate  and  truthfully  reveals  conditions.  I would  like  very  much 
to  have  certain  points  cleared  up. 

Answer.  I will  be  very  pleased  to  give  you  any  information  you  want 
about  the  Philippines. 

Question.  Has  the  criticism  of  the  Harrison  administration  been  un- 
usually severe? 

Answer.  If  you  will  look  back  through  your  files  and  that  of  other 
leading  newspapers,  3’ou  will  find  that  it  has  not  been,  compared  to  the 
criticism  which  has  met  every  chan.ge  of  the  past  in  the  islands.  Kverj' 
change  or  step  taken  by  the  American  Government  has  been  met  with 
a great  deal  of  criticism  and  much  loose  talk,  and  you  will  find  that 
most  of  such  statements  were  untrue  and  much  of  the  criticism  and 
condemnation  without  foundation  in  fact 

Question.  This  is  interesting,  Mr.  Secretary,  in  view  of  the  impression 
sought  to  be  created  that  in  the  past  all  v,as  fair  sailing  in  the  I’hilip- 
pincs,  and  no  breeze  of  adverse  criticism  had  rippled  the  seas.  May  I 
ask  what  were  the  sub.iects  of  adverse  criticism? 

Answer.  You  will  recall  the  bitter  criticisms  of  the  conduct  of  our 
Army  in  suppressing  insurrection  ; the  criticism  that  civil  government 
was  established  too  soon,  while- the  “iron  hand  was  still  necessary  to 
enduring  peace  ” : that  the  civil  government  was  extravagant  and  incom- 
petent : that  it  favored  a policy  of  exploitation  ruinous  to  the  natives 
and  in  the  interest  of  a few  Americans.  These  are  but  a few  of  the 
subjects  which  one  recalls  without  the  need  of  investigation  and  with- 
out looking  up  the  records. 

Question.  I am  told  that  the  present  criticisms  are  entitled  to  greater 
weight  because  of  the  fact  that  in  the  past  the  criticisms  liad  their  origin 
in  America,  while  the  present  criticisms  are  an  echo  of  the  American 
press  in  the  islands  and  are  based  on  statements  of  persons  fresh  from 
the  islands.  Is  that  so? 

Answer.  It  is  true  that  the  American  press  criticisms  are  but  echoes 
of  the  American  press  in  the  islands  and  a repetirion  of  statements 
made  by  those  returning  from  the  islands.  It  is  not  true  that  this  was 
otherwise  in  the  past. 

The  attack  on  Mr.  Taft  following  his  formulation  of  the  motto  : “ The 
Philippines  for  the  Filipinos,”  was  moat  bitter  in  the  American  press  of 
Manila.  Mr.  Taft  was  represented  by  that  press  to  be  the  most  unpopu- 
lar .Vmerican  in  the  islands. 

His  reply  to  this  criticism  in  his  speech  before  the  Union  Reading 
College,  Manila,  P.  I.,  on  December  17,  1903,  has  given  the  record  of 
this  feeling  at  that  time  a permanent  place  in  the  history  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  islands.  The  speech  would  serve,  with  few  changes,  to 
reply  to  present  critics,  including  Mr.  Taft,  Mr.  Worcester,  and  others. 
The  basis  of  present  criticisms  is  identical  and  the  source  is  the  same. 

Later,  the  criticisms  of  Gov.  Forbes  were  quite  as  bitter  in  the  Phil- 
ippine-.\merican  press  as  in  the  United  States,  the  only  difference  be- 
tween the  cases  of  Gov.  Forbes  and  Mr.  Taft  being  that  the  press  dif- 
fered in  the  Forbes  controversy,  while  it  was  unanimous  in  abusing  Mr. 
Taft. 

Question.  What  do  you  think  produces  this  spirit  of  attack,  and 
whj’  should  this  be  so? 

Answer.  Well,  for  one  reason,  of  course,  any  who  have  been  dis- 
placed always  make  a lot  of  noise  and  get  their  friends  interested  in 
condemning  these  in  authority.  Furthermore,  there  is  a unique  situa- 
tion out  there  in  this  : There  are  ,-Vmericans  in  business  there,  and  when 
changes  are  made  in  the  heads  of  the  Government  they,  of  course,  desire 
to  establish  some  form  of  intimate  relations  ; and  very  often  when  they 
find  that  they  are  not  being  consulted  either  ns  frequently  or  as  inti- 
mately as  they  tliink  thej-  should  be,  they  retaliate  bv  unfounded  con- 
C934S— 14296 


80 


demnation  and  general  damning  of  the  new  officials.  Or  where,  as  on 
one  occasion  in  the  past,  there  has  been  a feeling  that  the  Governor 
General  was  too  friendly  with  one  section  of  the  American  public,  the 
criticism  was  even  greater. 

Question.  Has  there  been  any  unusual  dismissals  of  American  em- 
ployees under  the  Harrison  administration? 

Answer.  No  : the  number  of  dismissals  has  not  been  unusual.  It  has 
increased  slightly,  due  to  necessary  retrenchment.  The  number,  how- 
ever, is  not  one-half  of  what  it  was  in  years  like  1903  and  1904,  nor  so 
great  as  it  was  in  1905  and  190G,  when  there  was  an  effort  at  retrench- 
ment. 

Question.  What  is  there  in  the  charge  that  the  civil-service  rules  have 
been  disregarded?  . How  many  Americans,  all  told,  has  Gov.  Harrison 
taken  out  to  the  Thilippines  and  put  into  positions  there? 

Answer.  Not  a single  instance  has  been  brought  to  my  attention 
where  it  was  charged  that  Gov.  Harrison  had  disregarded  civil-servicc 
rules.  Fewer  Americans  have  been  taken  to  the  islands  during  Gov. 
Gen.  Harrison's  administration  than  during  any  similar  period  in 
recent  years. 

Of  Americans  coming  from  the  United  States  since  his  arrival  he  has 
appointed  the  collector  of  customs,  one  member  of  the  municipal  board 
of  the  citv  of  Manila,  and  one  member  of  the  public  utilities  commission. 

Question.  What  arc  the  important  positions  to  which  the  Governor 
General  might,  if  he  so  desired,  appoint  his  American  political  friends? 

Answer.  First,  the  chiefs  of  bureaus  of  the  Government,  of  which  there 
are  about  22.  Second,  the  judges  of  first  instance  in  the  islands,  of 
which  there  are  36.  All  of  these  judicial  positions  have  been  filled  by 
appointment  since  Gov.  Harrison  arrived  in  the  islands.  Third,  mis- 
cellaneous appointments,  such  as  the  members  of  the  municipal  board  of 
the  city  of  Manila,  governor  of  the  department  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu, 
and  members  of  the  public  utilities  commission. 

Question.  Now,  Mr.  Secretary,  in  how  many  of  these  has  the  Gov- 
ernor actually  appointed  Americans  brought  by  him  from  the  United 
StfltGS  ^ 

Answer.  Of  the  heads  of  the  bureaus  of  the  Philippine  Government 
Gov  llarrison  .appointed  one — the  collector  of  customs — from  the 
United  States — Dr.  Herstein.  Dr.  Herstein  had  been  an  employee  of 
the  United  States  civil  service  for  some  years.  He  was  a tariff’  ex- 
pert employed  in  the  framing  of  the  recent  United  States  tariff.  His 
politics  are  not  known  to  me.  ...  . 

He  appointed,  as  a member  cf  the  municipal  board  of  the  city  of 
Manila,  Dr.  Fitzsimmons,  who  had  served  in  the  islands  formerly. 

He  appointed,  as  a member  of  the  public  utilities  commission,  Stephen 
Bonsai,  a well-known  American  newspaper  ahd  literary  man. 

He  reappointed  every  judge  of  first  instance  on  the  bench,  and  in 
filling  the  remaining  vacancies  he  selected  two  Americans,  one  of  whom 
had  been  long  in  the  service  of  the  islands  and  one  who  had  been  in 
the  islands  only  a short  time  in  the  civil  service,  but  had  previously  been 
in  the  civil  service  of  the  United  States.  _ . 

Question.  What  basis  is  there  for  the  statement  that  business  is  dis- 
organized in  the  islands  and  that  the  economic  conditions  are  upset? 

Answer.  About  as  much  basis  as  there  is  for  such  a statement  with 
reference  to  the  United  States.  It  is  perfectly  well  known  to  anyone 
who  is  searching  for  the  truth  that  there  has  been  a world-wide  business 
depression,  and  that  while  in  particular  communities  this  depression 
may  have  been  enhanced  or  mitigated  by  local  conditions,  this  has  only- 
been  in  the  matter  of  degree.  In  the  I’hilippines,  due  to  the  exclusively 
agricultural  basis  of  business,  this  depression  has  been  least.  Umpies- 
tionably,  some  business  men  wished  to  know  the  course  that  this 
administration  purposed  to  pursue  before  they  embarked  in  any  exten- 
sion of  their  business  enterprises.  But  to  suggest  seriously  that  there 
has  been  any  panicky  condition  produced  in  the  Philippines  by  anything 
that  this  Government  has  done  or  left  undone  is  simply  to  state  that 
which  has  not  the  basis  of  truth. 

Oiiestion.  But  it  has  been  said  that  there  has  been  an  immense 
falling  in  the  imports  into  the  islands,  showing  a lack  of  confidence  in 
business  conditions?  ....  i 

\nswer  That  the  imports  into  the  Philippines  are,  when  analyzed, 
an  indication  of  business  conditions  and  confidence,  or  the  lack  thereot, 
is  to  an  extent  true.  . 

However,  one  of  the  imports  which  varies  most  from  year  to  year 
is  rice.  The  importation  of  rice  in  large  quantities  is  an  indication  of 
the  failure  of  the  local  rice  crop  and.  contrary  to  the  general  rule,  its 
importation  in  large  quantities  is  an  indication  rather  of  local  distress 
than  of  a healthy  condition. 

G934S— 14-296 


81 


The  fiscal  year  1912,  I.  e.,  the  year  ending  June  30,  1912,  was,  meas- 
ured by  the  total  of  imports,  the  most  prosperous  year  up  to  that  time 
in  the  history  of  the  Philippines.  The  total  imports  were  $54.549,9,80. 
But  the  dark  spot  was  that  of  this  total  $10..519,949  was  rice,  the  result 
of  an  unusually  disastrous  failure  of  the  Philippine  rice  crop. 

In  the  fiscal  year  191.3  tlie  total  imports  showed  an  increase  over 
the  preceding  rear  to  $50,327,583,  though  the  imports  of  rice  were  but 
$7,940,857. 

The  reports  of  Philippine  commerce  have  now  been  received  to  In- 
clude the  month  of  May.  1914.  I give  the  following  from  the  records 


for  purposes  of  comparison  : 

Total  imports  for  11  months  ending  May,  1912 $48,522,580 

Total  imports  for  11-  months  ending  May,  1913 51,  543,  134 

Total  for  11  months  ending  May,  1914 50,870,025 

For  the  same  periods,  omitting  rice  : 

1912  $39,731,895 

1913  43,  825,  .320 

1914  48,  395,  180 

Of  the  total  during  these  three  periods  there  were  from  the  United 

States  : 

1012 $18,  500,  805 

1913  23,130,095 

1914  25,  752,  233 


In  the  face  of  this  it  is  idle  to  talk  of  depression  or  lack  of  confi- 
dence. 

Question.  As  a matter  of  fact,  has  the  administration  taken  any  radi- 
cal step  of  any  kind  in  the  I’hilippines ; and  if  so,  what ; and  what 
effect  do  you  think  this  has  had? 

Answer.  As  a matter  of  fact,  the  administration  has  not  only  taken 
no  radical  step,  but  has  not  done  anything  except  to  in  good  faith  pur- 
sue the  policy  which  has  been  announced  to  the  Filipinos  from  the  ver.v 
beginning.  All  of  the  American  Governors  have  promised  them  to  put 
them  into  govetnmental  positions  just  as  soon  as  they  were  capable  of 
performing  the  duties  ; that  is,  to  bring  about  the  so-called  Filipiniza- 
tion  of  tlie  service.  You  will  find  references  and  promises  of  this  char- 
acter in  the  reports  and  public  utterances  of  every  Governor  General. 

President  3'aft,  when  chairman  of  the  I’hilippine  Commission,  and 
afterwards  when  Civil  ‘Governor,  inaugurated  this  treatment  of  the 
I’llipinos  pursuant  to  specific  instructions  of  President  McKinley.  In 
doing  this  he  met  with  just  the  same  storm  of  abuse  which  is  now  re- 
vived against  Harrison.  1 have  just  recently  seen  a speech  made  by 
him  in  which  he  alludes  at  great  length  to  this  matter  in  vindication 
of  his  position,  iteferring  to  the  invitation  to  make  the  address,  Mr. 
Taft  then  said  : 

" The  civil  government  was  just  then  receiving  even  more  criticism 
than  usual  from  the  3’oung  lions  of  the  Manila  press.” 

Later  he  says  : 

“ Some  of  our  young  lions  of  the  local  press  have  spoken  of  the  ‘ child- 
ish slogan  : The  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos.’  It  is  unnecessary  to 
comment  on  the  adjective  used,  but  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that,  whether 
childish  or  not,  the  principle  makes  up  the  web  and  the  woof  of  the 
policy  of  the  United  States  with  respect  to  those  islands,  as  it  has  been 
authoritatively  declared  by  two  Presidents  of  the  United  States — for 
President  Roosevelt  has  followed  sedulously  the  policy  of  President 
McKinley— and  by  the  Interpretation  of  the  supreme  popular  will,  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.” 

And  a.gain  : 

“ There  are  many  Americans  in  these  islands,  possibly  a majority 

and  this  includes  all  the  American  press — who  are  strori.gly  opposed  to 
the  doctrine  of  ‘ the  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos.’  They  have  no 
patience  with  the  policy  of  attraction,  no  patience  with  attempts  to 
conciliate  the  Filipino  people,  no  patience  with  the  introduction  into 
the  government  as  rapidly  as  their  fitness  justifies  of  the  prominent 
Filipinos.  They  resent  everything  in  the  government  that  is  not 
American.  They  insist  that  there  is  a necessity  for  a firm  govern- 
ment here  rather  than  a popular  one,  and  that  the  welfare  of  Americans 
and  American  trade  should  be  regarded  as  paramount.” 

And  with  reference  to  the  then  attitude  of  the  American  press  and 
merchants  of  the  city  of  Manila,  he  said  : 

“ The  attitude  of  the  American  press  and  of  the  American  merchant 
in  his  hostility  to  the  Filipino,  and  in  the  consequent  hostility  to  the 
civil  government,  was  led  into  the  error  at  one  time  of  emphasizing  in 
every  possible  way,  by  letters  and  representations  of  all  sorts,  that  the 
C934S— 14296 6 


82 


condition  of  the  country  as  to  tranquillity  was  so  bad  that  the  whole 
of  the  islands  was  still  in  a state  of  war.  Kvery  small  ladrone  fiRlit. 
every  discomfiture  which  the  constabulary  suffered,  was  exaggerated 
and  made  the  basis  for  inference  that  the  conditions  in  the  country 
were  retrograding  rather  than  improving.  Such  incidents  were  seized 
upon  and  made  as  much  of  as  headlines  and  general  statements  could 
make  them.” 

And  with  reference  to  its  attitude  toward  the  Filipino,  he  said  : 

“ When  one's  feelings  of  enmity  are  very  much  aroused  it  is  difficult 
to  set  the  limit  to  the  expression  of  them.  So  it  is  that  we  have  the 
young  lions  of  the  American  press,  of  the  three  newspapers  who  are 
supposed  to  speak  the  American  public  opinion  in  these  islands,  hold- 
ing the  Filipino  up  to  contempt,  exposing  all  his  .supposed  vices,  and 
giving  him  no  credit  whatever  for  any  virtues,  and  it  may  be  that 
this  represe'nts  the  feeling  of  the  majority  of  the  resident  Americans 
in  Manila  But  can  we  not,  in  the.  end,  be  just  and  give  to  the  whole 
Filipino  people  their  due?  Should  we  wish  the  Filipino  people  to  judge 
of  Americans  by  the  drunken,  truculent  American  loafers  ' who  Infest 
the  small  towns  of  these  islands,  living  on  the  fruits  of  the  labor  of 
Filipino  women,  and  give  us  more  trouble  than  any  other  element  in  the 
islands?  Should  we  wish  the  Filipino  people  to  judge  American  stand- 
ards of  honesty  by  reading  the  humiliating  list  of  .\mei-icuu  official 
and  unofficial  defaulters  in  these  islands?  I think,  not.” 

After  reviewing  the  reiterated  premises  of  the  .American  Government 
in  the  islands  and  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  St.at.es  to  lock  solely 
to  the  welfare  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  Mr.  Taft  said  again  : 

“Again,  one  of  the  conditions  indispensable  to  progress  is  tran- 
quillity. Without  it  capital,  constitutionally  timid,  will  not  come. 
Sow  vrhat  has  produced  the  present  tranquillity?  I say  without  hesi- 
tation that  the  chief  element  to-day  is  the  confidence  which  the  con- 
servative people  of  the  islands  have  in  the  promises  of  the  United 
States  to  make  the  welfare  of  the  Filipinos  its  chief  purpose  in  re- 
maining here  and  to  assist  them  sincerely  in  learning  the  secret  of 
self-government  by  gradually  enlarging  their  political  power.” 

And  then  : 

“ How  long  is  it  thought  we  could  avail  ourselves  of  this  popular 
support  if  we  repudiated  our  national  promises  and  adopted  the  poiicy 
of  repulsion  and  repression,  dignified  under  the  name  ‘ the  policy  of  a 
firm  hand,’  and  if  we  said  to  the  people,  ‘ You  are  not  to  be  trusted  : 
the  offices  must  all  go  to  Americans  : you  are  an  inferior  race  and  are 
sufficiently  rewarded  by  having  a superior  race  to  come  here  and  run 
your  government  for  you?’” 

And,  finally,  with  reference  to  the  policy  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment. he  said  ; 

“ What  do  the  young  lions  of  the  American  press  in  Manila,  what 
do  the  merchants  of  Manila  who  take  the  position  I have  attempted  to 
explain  and  describe,  expect  to  do?  Do  they  expect  to  change  the 
policy  of  the  Government?  Certainly  not,  as  long  as  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  is  alive  to  the  honor  of  preserving  sacred  its 
promises  to  a whole  people.  From  where  do  they  expect  the  political 
support  that  can  be  effective  to  carry  out  the  policy  which  their  atti- 
tude Indicates?  The  policy  of  the  present  civil  government  in  placing 
as  its  first  aim  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
Filipino  people  and  the  gi'adual  extension  to  them  of  self-government  is 
the  identical  policy  of  the  Republican  Party  as  shown  in  its  platform 
of  1900.” 

Question.  To  what  do  you  attribute  this  apparent  purpose  of  mis- 
leading the  .Vmerican  public  about  the  real  situation  ? 

Answer.  Very  largely  to  those  who  were  fearful  of  some  radical 
actiou  on  the  part  of  the  administration,  which  they  thought  would  be 
disastrous  to  their  own  interests  and  to  those  who,  not  swayed  by  self- 
interest,  feared  that  such  action  would  be  detrimental  to  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  i.slands  and  this  country.  That  is  to  say,  the  fear  that, 
without  sufficient  investigation  and  without  careful  consideration,  this 
administration  would  cut  all  bonds  between  this  country  and  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  and  leave  them  to  start  as  a national  entity  without  any 
further  guidance  and  control.  If  they  bad  taken  counsel  of  facts  and 
not  of  their  fears,  they  would  not  have  started  upon  any  suc'u  campaign. 
I do  not  think  I am  mistaken  in  believing  that  those  who  were  the 
leaders  in  this  clamor  against  Gov.  Harrison  would  now.  in  view  of 
all  the  facts,  gladly  destroy  the  record  which  they  have  made  for  them- 
selves. Unfortuna'tely  many  who  have  accepted  thc.se  statements  a.s 
facts  have  not  the  stime  means  of  ascertaining  the  truth,  and  now 
accept  as  facts  what  these  leaders  proclaimed  from  their  fears  and 
now  have  not  the  courage  to  deny. 

69348—14290 


83 


Question.  Mr.  Secretar.v.  what  has  been  the  policy  of  this  adminis- 
tration toward  the  I'hilippines? 

Answer.  I’resident  Wilson  plainly  marked  out  our  attitude  toward 
the  rhilippines  upon  two  occasions ; First,  when  he  authorized  Gov. 
llarrison  in  his  inau,?ural  address  to  make  the  following  statement  : 

••  We  regard  ourselves  as  trustees,  acting  not  for  the  advantage  of 
the  United  States,  hut  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  of  the  I’hilippine 
Islands.  Every  step  wo  take  will  bo  taken  with  a view  to  the  ultimate 
indepeiidence  of  the  islands  and  as  a preparation  for  their  inde- 
pendence : and  we  hope  to  move  toward  that  end  as  rapidly  as  the 
safety  and  the  permanent  interests  of  the  islands  will  permit.  After 
each  step  taken  experience  will  guide  us  to  the  next.  The  administra- 
tion will  take  one  step  at  once.  It  will  give  to  the  native  citizens  of 
the  islands  a majority  in  the  appointive  commission,  and  thus  in  the 
upper  as  well  as  in  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature.  It  will  do  this 
in  the  confident  hope  and  expectation  that  immediate  proof  will  thereby 
be  given  in  the  action  of  the  commission  under  the  new  arrangemenlT 
of  the  political  capacity  of  those  native  citizens  who  have  already  come 
forward  to  represent  and  lead  their  people  in  affairs.” 

Second,  in  his  negt  annual  message  to  Congress,  in  which  he  said  as 
follows  : 

'•  No  doubt  we  shall  successfully  enough  bind  Porto  Rico  and  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  to  ourselves  by  ties  of  justice  and  interest  and  affec- 
tion, but  the  performance  of  our  duty  toward  the  Philippines  is  a more 
difficult  and  debatable  matter.  We  can  satisfy  the  obligations  of  gen- 
erous justice  toward  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  by  giving  them  the  ample 
and  familiar  rights  and  privileges  accorded  our  own  citizens  in  our 
own  Territories  and  our  obligations  toward  the  people  of  Hawaii  by 
perfecting  the  provisions  for  self-government  already  granted  them, 
but  in  the  Philippines  we  must  go  further.  We  must  hold  steadily  in 
view  their  ultimate  independence,  and  we  must  move  toward  the  time 
of  that  iudepcndeuce  as  steadily  as  the  way  can  be  cleared  and  the 
foundations  thoughtfully  and  permanently  laid. 

•‘Acting  under  the  authority  conferred  upon  the  President  by  Con- 
gress, I have  already  accorded  the  people  of  the  islands  a majority  in 
both  houses  of  their  le.gislative  body  by  appointing  five  instead  of  four 
native  citizens  to  the  membership  of  the  commission.  I believe  that  in 
this  way  we  shall  make  proof  of  their  capacity  in  counsel  and  their 
sense  of  responsibility  in  the  exercise  of  political  power,  and  that  the 
success  of  this  step  will  bo  sure  to  clear  our  view  for  the  steps  which 
arc  to  follow.  Step  by  step  we  should  extend  and  perfect  the  system 
of  self-government  in  the  islands,  making  test  of  them  and  modifying 
them  ns  experience  discloses  their  successes  and  their  failures  ; that  we 
should  more  and  more  put  under  the  control  of  the  native  citizens  of 
the  archipelago  the  essential  instruments  of  their  life,  their  local  in- 
strumentalities of  government,  their  schools,  all  the  common  interests 
of  their  communities,  and  so  by  counsel  and  experience  set  up  a gov- 
ernment which  all  the  world  v.'ill  see  to  be  suitable  to  a people  whoso 
affairs  are  under  their  own  control.  At  last,  I hope  and  believe,  we 
arc  beginning  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  Filipino  peoples.  By  their 
counsel  and  experience,  rather  than  by  our  own,  we  shall  learn  how 
best  to  serve  them  and  how  soon  it  will  bo  possible  and  wise  to  with- 
draw our  supervision.  Let  us  once  find  the  path  and  set  out  with  firm 
and  competent  tread  upon  it,  and  wo  shall  not  wander  from  it  or 
linger  upon  it.” 

Since  it  is  the  conceded  fact  that  from  the  very  beginning  the  Ameri- 
can people,  speaking  through  their  representatives,  have  always  dis- 
claimed any  intention  to  incorporate  the  Philippines  as  part  of  the 
American  body  politic,  and  since  it  has  always  been  treated  as  only  a 
question  of  time  when  they  should  have  some  form  of  national  au- 
tonomy, the  real  matter  to  be  considered  by  statesmen  and  by  citizens 
who  wish  to  do  what  is  right  is  how  to  proceed  in  the  matter  so  as  to 
reach'  a just  conclusion.  This  administration  has  proceeded  along  the 
line  of  experience,  which,  as  the  old  adage  tells  us,  is  the  best  school ; 

I think  I would  say  practically  the  only  useful  school.  The  experiment 
which  we  made  initially,  as  outlined  in  the  quoted  declaration  of  the 
President,  has  not  only  not  proven  unwise,  but  has  proven  very  wise. 

The  next  step  to  bo  taken,  as  provided  in  the  pending  Jones  bill,  is 
to  give  them  further  autonomous  power  ; that  is,  to  give  them  more 
participation  in  managing  their  own  affairs,  with,  however,  such  reser- 
vations of  guidance  and  control  to  the  Federal  Government  as  to  enable 
it  to  see  that  no  harm  comes. 

Question.  What,  in  your  judgment,  will  likely  be  the  effect  of  this 
measure,  if  enacted  into  law,  upon  the  Filipinos? 

.Vnswer.  I can  not  see  how  it  can  be  other  than  very  favorable. 
The  Filipinos  who  have  sufficient  knowledge  and  ability  to  deal  with 
G9348— 14296 


84 


the  subject  realize  that  until  they  demonstrate  their  ability  to  operate 
successfully  a government  in  all  of  its  manifold  and  complexlng  aspects 
it  would  be  unthinkable  that  the  United  States  would  be  justified  in 
withdrawing  from  its  position  of  trusteeship.  The  only  way  in  which 
they  can  demonstrate  their  capacity  is  after  trial.  Any  body  of  citi- 
zenship which  has  not  been  accustomed  to  exercising  governmental  func- 
tions must  become  accustomed  thereto  before  it  can  successful! v do  so. 
It  is  known  historically  that  the  Philippine  people  for  centuries  have 
not  been  governing  themselves.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  they 
can  not  immediately  evoke  the  public  opinion  which  is  necessary  to  ail 
successful  self-governments.  The  coherent  and  cohesive  aggregation  of 
public  opinion  is  the  result  of  training  ; and  those  who  have  the  best 
interests  of  the  Filipinos  at  heart,  both  natives  and  those  of  our  coun- 
try, realize  that  they  must  be  given  the  opportunity  to  cultivate  and 
cause  to  grow  up  the  necessary  patriotic  cooperation  before  they  can 
have  a successful  self-controlled  government.  What  we  have  in'  view 
*is  to  make  the  conditions  favorable  for  the  growth  of  that  sort  of  patri- 
otic cooperation,  the  linking  together  of  these  nationals,  with  a view 
of  eventually  finding  in  that  country  such  a condition  as  makes  likely 
the  success  of  self-government. 

We  have  done  that  which  we  think  was  wise  and  conservative  and 
thoughtful  to  take  the  next  step  in  lajung  the  groundwork  for  this 
hoped-for  eventful  condition. 

[From  the  St.  Louis  Mirror,  Dec.  12,  1013.] 

Gov.  Gen.  Harrison  is  evidently  trying  to  find  out  things  from  Fili- 
pinos, not  from  bureaucrats  who  have  been  living  on  the  people.  This 
is  in  line  with  the  polic.v  of  giving  Filipinos  a majority  in  the  impor- 
tant offices.  The  job  holders  don't  like  it.  They  can't  bear  to  see  the 
Governor  General  mixing  up  with  the  natives,  who  may  tell  him  things 
about  the  secret  government  by  concessionaires.  Mr.  Harrison  has  au 
idea,  evidently,  that  government  of  the  Philippines  must  be  for  the 
Filipinos  and  not  exclusively  for  Yankee  job  holders  and  promoters. 
How  extraordinary ! No  wonder  Mr.  Harrison  has  the  disloyalty  of 
the  old-timers — better  say  “ the  old  gang.”  They  don't  like  this  demon- 
stration of  the  meaning  of  the  New  Freedom,  which  is  also  the  old 
freedom. 


TUESDAY,  OCTOBER  13,  1914. 

Confiriuation  of  Appointments. 

Mr.  TowNEn,  of  Iowa,  Introduced  the  following  amendment : 

"Amend,  page  17.  lines  23  and  21.  by  striking  out  the  words  ‘by  and 
with  the  consent  of  the  Philippine  Senate.’  ” 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Chairman,  I am  earnestly  opposed  to  the 
amendment  ofifered  hy  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Towner], 
In  my  general  discussion  of  the  pending  bill  I have  already 
touched  uiK)u  the  que.stion  he  raises,  so  that  I need  now  merely 
call  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  two  new  points. 

It  seems  to  me,  first  of  all,  that  the  amendment  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Iowa  is  not  in  accord  with  the  theory  ui'.on  which 
this  bill  is  framed.  The  bill  is  supposedly  enacted  for  the  pur- 
pose of  giving  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  a sufficient 
opportunity  to  demonsti'ate  their  ciipacity  for  self-government 
to  such  an  e.xtent  as  is  possible  witliout  placing  the  intenia- 
tional  relations  of  the  United  States  in  jeopardy.  Much  as  the 
two  sides  of  this  House  disagree  with  regard  to  Philippine  in- 
dependence. there  has  been  little  difference  as  to  the  desira- 
bility of  offering  the  Filipino  iieople  such  opportunity,  in 
.so  far  as  1 have  been  able  to  perceive  from  the  remarks 
that  have  been  made  during  the  debate.  Such  being  the 
case,  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  ought  to 
be  voted  down,  because  it  is  subversive  of  the  very  purpose  of 
the  bill.  By  granting  the  people  of  the  Philippines  legislative 
G9.34S— 1429G 


85 


powers  alone  you  fail  to  give  them  all  the  opportunities  whereby 
their  political  capacity  might  be  tested.  To  legislate  is  doubt- 
less an  important,  perhaps  the  most  important,  function  of  a 
government,  but  the  administration  of  law  is  also  an  essential 
part  of  the  governmental  process.  Unless  the  Filipino  people 
be  permitted  to  show  what  they  can  do  in  the  administration 
of  their  laws,  such  evidence  as  they  may  furnish  through  their 
legislative  acts  regarding  their  capacity  for  self-government 
will  be  challenged  as  insuflicient.  By  requiring  that  the  ap- 
pointments of  the  Governor  General  be  confirmed  by  the  senate 
you  give  the  Filipino  people  an  opiwrtunity  to  show  their  judg- 
ment regarding  the  proper  administration  of  their  laws. 

It  would  be  an  inconsistent  position  to  give  the  Filipino 
])eople  the  power  to  legislate  for  themselves,  thereby  assuming 
that  they  will  legislate  for  their  own  interests  and  in  that  of 
their  government,  and  on  the  other  hand  deny  them  the  right 
to  confirm  executive  appointments  on  the  assumption,  as 
seems  to  be  suggested  by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  that  they 
will  use  that  power  for  selfish  or  partisan  puiqwses  rather 
than  with  a view  to  the  exigencies  of  the  public  service.  If 
elected  senators  can  not  be  trusted  with  the  power  of  confirm- 
ing appointments  made  by  the  Governor  General — if  they  be 
expected  to  use  that  power  unpatriotically— an  elected  Filipino 
legislature  should  not  be  established  at  all.  Legislative  powers 
are  greater,  more  embracing,  than  the  iwwer  to  confirm  ap- 
pointments, and  the  injury  to  the  community  in  case  of  abuse 
of  legislative  power  is  by  far  greater  than  the  evils  arising 
from  an  unwise  exercise  of  the  power  of  confirming  appoint- 
ments. If  the  Philippine  Senate  be  not  permitted  to  say  who 
may  not  occupy  the  j)ositions  created  by  the  Philippine  Legis- 
lature, the  latter  body  should  have  neither  the  power  to  create 
these  positions  nor  to  abolish  them. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  worst  feature  of  the  amendment  proposed 
by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  is  that  it  will  assuredly  prevent  the 
harmonious  operation  of  the  government  which  you  are  plan- 
ning to  establish  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  Filipinos  do 
not  differ  from  other  people.  They  are  of  the  same  flesh  and 
bone  and  spirit,  and  they  will  act  exactly  as  other  people  would 
act  under  the  same  circumstances,  and  for  the  same  reasons. 
The  history  of  the  world  teaches  us  that  whenever  governmental 
powers  are  not  voluntarily  granted  to  a people,  and  whenever 
such  power  can  be  obtained  through  some  indirect  means  the 
people  will  not  fail  to  use  such  mean.s.  If  you  deny  the  Filipino 
people  the  power  to  say  lawfully  who  may  not  hold  office  under 
the  Philippine  Government,  if  they  can  find  some  way  under  this 
act  wherebj'  they  will  be  able  to  make  their  voice  effective  on 
that  score,  they  will  do  so.  They  may  seek  to  do  either  of  these 
two  things:  They  maj'  try  either  to  exercise  some  personal  in- 
fluence with  the  Governor  General  to  secure  the  appointment  of 
those  officials  whom  they  desire,  or  if  the  Governor  General 
I'efuse  to  accede  to  their  wish,  they  may  antagonize  and  obstruct 
his  administration,  and  openly  defy  him  by  abolishing  such 
positions  as  are  occupied  by  officials  objectionable  to  them. 
Thus  you  would  create  at  once  a cause  of  trouble  between  the 
Governor  General  and  the  legislature.  I do  not  care  to  deny 
that  Filipino  senators  might  at  times  refuse  to  confirm  an 
C9348— 14296 


86 


appointment.  Sucli  a thing  has  happened  in  this  country.  The 
result  there,  however,  would  ordinarily  be  just  what  it  has  been 
here — -the  senate  would  confirm  the  appointments  of  the  Glover- 
uor  General  as  a matter  of  course,  and  the  readiness  of  the  sen- 
ate to  confirm  these  appointments  would  depend,  as  it  does  here, 
upon  the  wisdom  of  the  appointments.  [Applause.] 


WEDNESDAY,  OCTOBSK  14,  1914. 

Salary  of  the  Governor  General. 

Mr.  Miller  offered  the  following  amendment : 

“ Strike  out  the  figures  ‘ $18,000,’  in  line  20,  page  24,  and  after  the 
word  ‘ General  ’ insert  the  following : ‘ Not  less  than  $18,000,  the 
amount  to  be  fixed  by  the  Philippine  legislature.’  ” 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Chairman,  both  the  gentleman  from  Vir- 
ginia [Mr.  Jones]  and  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr. 
Millek]  have  said  so  much  as  to  what  they  believed  to  be  the 
position  of  the  Filipino  people  and  of  myself  with  reference  to 
the  salary  of  the  Governor  General  that  I think  it^is  time  for  me 
to  saj-  something  myself  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I do  think  that  the  salary  of  the  Governor 
General  of  the  Philippine  Islands  should  be  higher  than  it  is 
now,  and  even  higher  than  it  was  before  that  salary  was  re- 
duced by  the  legislature.  VvTien  the  President  of  the  United  States 
was  about  to  appoint  the  Governor  General  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  I found  that  his  concern  was  to  find  a man  who  was 
not  only  qualified,  but  also  had  enough  private  means  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  his  position,  because  the  I'resideut  was  in- 
formed that  the  salary  of  the  Governor  General  was  such 
as  to  prevent  the  appointment  of  any  but  a rich  man.  I 
felt  that  wo  should  pay  the  Governor  General  a salary  high 
enough  to  permit  the  President  to  make  his  choice  from 
the  best  men  to  be  found  for  the  appointment  regardless  of 
whether  they  be  rich  or  poor.  Thank  God,  the  President 
was  able  to  find  a man  who,  besides  possessing  wealth,  had 
ability,  character,  and  real  desire  to  serve  the  Filipinos.  Other- 
wise I do  not  know  what  would  have  hapi>ened  to  us.  We 
were  more  than  fortunate  when  the  President  found  Francis 
Burton  Harrison,  a man  who  had  ability,  character,  and  pa- 
triotism. [Applause.] 

Of  course  I spoke  of  my  experience  to  the  speaker  of  the 
assembly,  and  he  agreed  with  me  that  the  Governor  General 
should  be  given  a higher  salary.  Apart  from  this  consideration, 
however,  it  is  a fact  known  to  those  who  are  familiar  with  the 
social  obligations  incumbent  upon  the  Governor  General  that  it 
is  very  expensive  to  fulfill  the  social  requirements  of  that 
jiosition.  But  let  not  the  idea  enter  your  minds  that  we 
favor  such  a salary  for  the  Governor  General  because  of 
our  extravagant  tendencies.  l\Ir.  Chairman,  I wish  to  in- 
form the  committee — and  this  information  is  pi’ecisely  per- 
tinent to  the  question  asked  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri 
[IMr.  BoKLAND]-^tliat  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  have 
expressed  through  the  a.ssembly  their  disapproval  of  some  of 
the  very  high  salaries  paid  to  many  of  the  officials  of  the 
Philijipine  Government.  I refer  particularly  to  the  secretaries 
of  departments,  who,  as  commissioners  and  secretaries,  receive 
C9348— 1120G 


87 


a total  of  .^in.oOO  annually.  The  assembly  has  on  several  oc- 
casions during  the  past  administrations  tried  in  vain  to  reduce 
the  .salaries  of  these  officials. 

Mr.  BOItLAXD.  Did  I undei'Stand  the  gentleman  to  say 
that  that  was  too  high? 

Mr.  (iFEZOX.  Ye.s,  sir;  entirely  too  high. 

Mr.  ROKL.\XD.  I agree  with  the  gentleman. 

Mr.  QUEZON.  M'e  think  that  it  is  absolutely  indefensible  for 
the  members  of  the  cabinet  of  the  Governor  General  to  be 
paid  $15,000  when  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  of  the  President 
of  the  I'nited  States  only  receive  $12,000  a year. 

^Ir.  Chairman,  I wish  to  reiterate  what  I said  yesterday 
about  Gov.  Gen.  Harrison’s  attitude  regarding  the  question  of 
his  salary.  The  legislature  would  not  reduce  it  when  it  I'educed. 
the  salary  of  every  other  officer  of  the  Philippine  Government, 
but  the  Governor  General  himself  thought  that  it  should  be 
done,  since  other  salaries  were  reduced,  and  only  in  deference 
to  his  personal  appeal  was  the  reduction  made. 

Mr.  O’hairman,  1 .shall  be  frank  enough  to  say  that  while  I 
believe  the  salary  of  the  Governor  General  is  not  at  all  sufficient 
unless  he  is  given  a certain  amount  as  allowance  for  entertain- 
ment, I am  not  at  all  sure  but  that  the  salaries  of  the  members 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Philippine  Islands  as  provided  for 
in  this  bill  could  be  somewhat  reduced.  But  I shall  not  ask 
that  this  be  done.  I wish  only  to  make  the  point  that  there  is 
no  due  proportion  between  the  salary  of  the  Governor  General 
on  the  one  hand  and  the  members  of  his  cabinet  and  the  jus- 
tices of  the  supreme  court  on  the  other. 

«**«**« 


WEDNESDAY.  OCTOBEH,  14,  1914. 

Tlie  Pledge  of  Independence. 

Mr.  .JONES.  Now.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  next  thing  is  to  return 
to  the  preamble,  as  I understand  the  ruling  of  the  Chair. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Clerk  will  read  the  preamble. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows ; 

Where.is  it  was  never  the  intention  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
In  the  incipiency  of  the  War  with  Spain  to  make  it  a war  of  conquest 
or  for  territorial  aggrandizement ; and 

Whereas  it  is,  as  it  has  always  been,  the  purpose  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  withdraw  their  sovereignty  over  the  Philippine  Islands 
and  to  recognize  their  independence  as  soon  as  a stable  government  can 
be  established  therein  ; and 

Whereas  for  the  speedy  accomplishment  of  such  purpose  it  is  desir- 
able to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  people  of  the  Philippines  as  large  a 
control  of  their  domestic  affairs  as  can  be  given  them  without,  in  the 
meantime,  impairing  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  that,  by  the  use  and  exercise  of 
popular  franchise  and  governmental  powers,  they  may  be  the  better  pre- 
pared to  fully  assume  the  responsibilities  and  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of 
complete  Independence. 

Mr.  QUEZON.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  would  be  foolish,  were  it 
not  so  pathetic,  to  saj',  as  does  the  gentleman  from  Washington 
[Mr.  Humphrey],  who  preceded  me  on  the  floor,  that  the  Fili- 
pino people  do  not  want  independence  to-day  and  that  they 
would  not  even  desire  it  in  the  future  when  they  really  become 
capable  of  self-government.  That,  however,  is  not  a new  state- 
ment. It  has  been  heard  before  now  in  every  country  and  it 
G9348— 14206 


88 


has  been  availed  of  by  every  tyrant.  No  ruler  can  ever  be 
made  by  any  evidence  to  believe  that  his  subjects  want  to  be 
free  from  his  yoke.  The  speech  of  the  gentleman  from  Wash- 
ington has  been  delivered  before  in  more  or  less  the  same 
words  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  England  at  the  time  when 
his  ancestors  were  struggling  to  be  independent  from  the  yoke 
of  the  British  lawmakers.  It  was  then  asserted  that  the  Ameri- 
can colonies  did  not  want  indei^endence ; that  they  were  merely 
led,  as  the  Filipino  people  are  now  said  to  be,  astray  by  unscrupu- 
lous, selfish  politicians,  who  were  wont  to  exploit  and  enslave 
their  own  people.  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  how  any  man  can  say 
that  the  Filipino  people,  having  defied,  because  they  wanted  to 
be  independent,  the  greatest  and  most  powerful  Bepublic  upon 
this  earth,  knowing  when  they  did  so  that  they  would  unavoid- 
ably be  crushed  in  that  unequal  struggle,  do  not  now  want  to  be 
free  is  beyond  my  comprehension.  Is  the  committee  unaware  that 
thousands  upon  thousands  of  men  drawn  from  all  walks  of  life  died 
in  that  destructive  war  while  their  wives,  daughters,  mothers,  and 
sisters  were  urging  the  survivors  to  take  the  place  of  the  fallen, 
until  the  whole  nation  came  very  near  being  annihilated?  Does 
the  gentleman  from  Washington  believe  that  that  war  was  a joke, 
and  that  we  went  into  it  as  a matter  of  amusement?  How  can  he 
say  that  Filipinos'  will  not  want  independence  when  they  are 
capable  of  self-government?  What  an  amazing  theory!  Yet  it 
seems  to  be  believed  in  and  proclaimed  by  many  statesmen  as 
almost  self-evidently  true.  If  people  do  not  want  independence 
when  they  become  capable  of  self-government,  it  must  follow  that 
no  indeiJendent  nation  is  c'apable  of  self-government.  Indeed.  I 
am  almost  inclined  to  accept  that  idea,  and  so  to  agree  with  the 
view  of  the  gentleman  from  Washington,  when  I see  some  of 
the  most  enlightened  nations  engaged  in  war,  each  killing  the 
citizens  of  the  other  by  scores  of  thousands,  and  each  destroy- 
ing wealth  belonging  to  the  others,  thereby  inflicting  upon 
humankind  more  injury  during  a few  months  of  their  gigantic 
struggle  than  all  the  harm  and  destruction  that  the  so-called 
incapable  countries,  with  their  petty  revolutions,  could  cause 
in  a century.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I shall  not  detain  the  com- 
mittee in  the  closing  hour  of  fhi.s  debate  by  entering  upon  dis- 
cussions of  this  sort.  The  arguments  which  proceed  from  such 
premises  as  those  I have  cited  are  outworn,  obsolete,  and  com- 
pletely out  of  date.  Every  boy  in  school  knows  how  to  answer 
them.  I shall,  in  discussing  the  preamble  of  this  bill,  address 
myself  exclusively  to  the  vieiAs  expressed  by  the  distinguishcHl 
leader  of  the  minority,  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Maxn], 
Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  takes  the  position 
that  the  preamble  of  this  bill  should  be  voted  down,  and  that 
the  Jegi.slative  provisions  of  this  bill  should  be  amended  so  as 
to  give  the  people  of  the  I’hilippine  Islands  a government  still 
more  autonomous  than  is  provided  for  in  the  bill.  The  gentle- 
man's opposition  to  the  preamble  is  placed  squarely  on  the 
ground  that  the  United  States  should  forever  retain  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  because  such  retention  will  provide  this  country 
with  an  important  resource  in  a supposedly  forthcoming  strug- 
gle— commercial  and  perhaps  military  and  naval — between  the 
East  and  the  West,  while  such  retention  would  ahso  prove 
beneficial  to  the  Filipino  people  themselves.  The  gentleman  is 
6934, S— 14296 


89 


f 


conviuced  that  with  the  granting  of  such  an  autonomous  gor- 
ernment  .as  he  suggests  the  Filipino  people  will  grow  more 
friendly  to  the  Fnited  States  and  will  be  content  to  reinaip 
under  American  control. 

Mr.  Chairman,  opposition  to  the  preamble  based  upon  the  con- 
siderations stated  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  is  worthy  of 
serious  attention  and  deserves  to  be  met  on  its  own  ground.  Let 
me  say,  before  I reply  to  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  that  I 
have  been  particularly  pleased  with  his  remarks.  His  views 
and  mine  are,  of  course,  widelj'  and  completely  apart ; but  I 
give  him  credit,  and  I feel  under  obligation  to  him  for  not  fol- 
lowing the  old  line  of  insincere  argumentation  that  has  hereto- 
fore caused  such  shame  and  anger  in  the  minds  of  the  Filipino 
people,  and  that  starts  with  the  assumption  that  we  are  wholly 
incapable  of  governing  ourselves  or  that  we  are  an  unpatriotic 
people,  whose  favored  classes  are  eagerly  watching  for  and  tak- 
ing advantage  of  evei’y  opportunity  to  abuse,  mistreat,  and  ex- 
ploit our  fellow  citizens,  so  that  we  must  be  ruled  by  more  intel- 
ligent and  more  public-spirited  foreigners.  I am  grateful  to  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois  for  his  candor  and  openness,  and  I am 
sure  my  people  join  me  in  the  sentiment.  I kuow  that  his  re- 
marks will  uot  be  indoi'sed  by  a single  Filipino;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  will  certainly  not  l>e  resented  by  my  country- 
men. It  was  a businesslike  presentation,  composed  of  great 
thoughts  elegantly  clothed  with  apt  expressions — this  si>eeeh  of 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois.  Yet  I fear  that  the  basic  premise 
of  his  iwsition  is  false,  and  that  therefore  the  whole  stnicture  of 
his  Philippine  policy  must  fail  to  endure  the  test  of  time  and  of 
past  experience. 

I have  noticed.  Mr.  Chairman,  that,  comprehensive  as  the 
speech  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  was,  he  failed  to  discuss — 
indeed,  he  apparently  never  gave  a thought  to — the  one  question 
which  must  be  answered  before  his  views  can  be  accepted  by 
analytical  minds.  That  question  is  this : What  would  the  Uniterl 
States  do  should  the  Filipino  people,  after  they  have  been 
granted  autonomy — complete  domestic  autonomy,  if  you  please— 
still  demand  independence?  Would  the  United  States  still 
insist,  in  such  a case,  upon  keeping  the  islands,  against  the  will 
of  their  inhabitants,  under  the  sovereignty  of  this  Nation? 
Would  the  United  States,  if  necessary,  resort  to  force  to  comi>el 
the  Filipino  people,  under  those  circum.stances,  to  continue  sub- 
ject to  the  American  flag?  AVould  the  retention  of  the  Philip- 
pines under  such  circumstances  be  an  aid  to  the  United  States 
in  such  a forthcoming  struggle  as  is  predicted  by  the  gentleman? 
The  gentleman  from  Illinois  did  uot  deem  it  necessary  to  ask 
himself  this  question,  because  he  took  it  for  granted,  as  he 
stated  it  on  this  floor,  that  after  you  have  given  the  I'teople  of 
the  Philippine  Islands  complete  autonomy,  larger  and  greater 
autonomy  than  this  bill  confers,  as  he  would  gladly  have  you 
do,  the  Filipino  people  would  Ijecome  your  good  friends  and 
would  therefore  no  longer  desire  independence. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I do  uot  doubt,  in  fact  I am  sure,  that  the 
Filipino  peoiile  will  become  your  friends,  your  very  good  friends, 
after  this  bill  is  enacted.  They  would,  however,  be  still  more 
friendly  to  you  if  a measure  providing  for  more  autonomy,  such 
as  the  .gentleman  from  Illinois  has  suggested,  .should  be  passed. 

C9348— 1420G 


90 


But  I fear  that  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  is  mistaken  when  he 
thinks  that  the  Filipino  people  after  the  enactment  of  such  a bill 
would  prefer  to  remain  forever  a self-governing  colony  of  this 
country.  The  gentleman  seems  to  forget  that  the  enjoyment  of 
liberty  makes  people  crave  for  more  liberty  still,  aud  that  the 
progress  of  nations  toward  freedom  when  once  the  first  step  has 
been  taken  does  not  cease  until  complete  sovereigutj-  has  been 
attained.  I do  not  pretend  to  be  a prophet  or  even  a statesman, 
aud  I shall  not  ask  that  my  prediction — which  after  all  is  but  a 
prediction  that,  like  others,  may  prove  to  be  mistaken — I shall 
not  ask  that  my  prediction,  be  given  more  weight  than  the  pre- 
diction to  the  contrary  which  has  been  offered  by  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois.  Of  one  thing,  however,  I am  sure,  as  sure  as  I am 
that  I am  alive  and  standing  upon  this  floor  now.  That  is,  that 
if  the  Filipino  people  should  ever  surrender  their  ardent  desire 
to  be  free  from  the  United  States,  it  would  not  be  after  the 
enactment  of  the  bill  that  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  proposes 
and  the  defeat  of  the  preamble  of  this  bill  as  he  suggests.  IMr. 
Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  makes  the  realization  of 
his  hope  aii  impossibility  when  he  asks  that  the  preamble  of  this 
bill  be  voted  down — that  preamble  which  confirms  through  a 
congressional  declaration  the  promises  heretofore  made  by  the 
Executives  of  this  Nation  and  by  other  representative  American 
statesmen.  If  you  defeat  this  preamble,  in  spite  of  the  existence 
of  such  an  autonomous  government  as  you  may  confer  upon  the 
Filipino  people,  you  will  not  make  them  your  friends.  If  you 
defeat  this  preamble  you  will  thereby  at  ouce  lose  the  confidence 
of  the  people  of  the  Philippines,  and  perhaps  even  their  respect. 
Friendship  and  respect  can  exist  among  nations  as  among  men 
only  when  the  conduct  of  those  who  have  euter(Hl  into  relations 
with  one  another  is  free  from  all  suggestion  of  bad  faith.  The 
breaking  of  a promi.se,  the  disregard  of  past  pledges,  is  a sure 
cause  of  distrust  and  of  disrespect. 

Mr.  Chairman,  again  aud  again  the  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  since  the  first  American  commander  landed  at  the  city 
of  JIauila  have  been  told  by  the  representatives  of  this  Govern- 
ment in  those  islands  that  the  United  States  was  in  the  Philip- 
pines for  the  sole  purpose  of  helping  the  Filipinos  to  establish 
the  foundations  of  their  independent  national  life.  Those 
promises  have  been  reiterated  by  the  Chief  Executives  of  this 
Nation  in  their  messages  both  to  the  Filipino  people  and  to  the 
American  Congress.  Mr.  Taft,  Mr.  Boosevelt,  aud  Mr.  AYilson 
iu  oQicial  documents  that  are  recorded  in  the  archives  of  this 
Government  have  each  and  all  made  such  declarations.  The 
Filipino  people  have  taken  the  words  of  those  officials  at  face 
value,  regarding  them  as  the  words  of  the  American  people 
themselves,  whom  the  Presidents  I have  enumeratetl  represented 
when  they  made  these  declarations.  To-day  the  American  Con- 
gress is  asked  not  to  ratify  but  to  repudiate  those  words  aud 
those  declarations.  And  on  what  ground?  On  the  ground  that 
you  need  the  aid  of  the  Philippines  that  you  may  emerge  vic- 
torious from  a supposedly  forthcoming  conflict — commercial  or 
armed — for  the  control  of  the  Pacific.  What  effect,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, would  the  action  of  this  Congress  exert  upon  the  Filipinos 
should  the  advice  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  bo  beeded? 
The  Filipino  people  would  at  ouce  take  the  defeat  of  the  pre- 
C0348— 1-129G 


91 


amble  of  tlie  bill  as  a convincing  proof  that  this  Nation  would 
repndiate  the  promises  it  early  made  whenever  it  might  be  to 
her  interest  to  do  so.  After  such  a repudiation  had  occurred, 
how  could  any  man  ever  expect  the  Filipino  people  again  to 
have  confidence  in  the  American  Nation?  What  would  be  the 
advantage  to  be  gained  by  the  enactment  of  a law  establishing 
an  autonomous  government  in  the  Philippine  Islands  if  the 
Filipino  people  could  not  feel  secure  in  the  free  and  everlasting 
enjoyment  of  that  autonomy,  or  if  they  must  forever  fear  that, 
inasmuch  as  you  repudiated  your  promise  of  independence  made 
when  you  did  not  think  the  Philippines  a commercial  or  strate- 
gic asset  but  changed  your  opinion  on  this  subject  when  condi- 
tions made  it  convenient,  you  might  in  like  manner  establish 
another  kind  of  government  whenever  you  thought  it  best  for 
your  purposes  to  do  so?  Ah,  Mr.  Chairman,  without  confidence, 
without  faith,  always  fearful  of  what  might  happen  in  the 
future,  how  could  ans'one  expect  the  Filipino  peoi)le  to  be  con- 
tented and  so  ask  it  to  remain  under  the  American  fiag? 

There  is  another  consideration  so  obvious  that  I note  with 
surprise  that  so  learned  a student  of  human  nature  as  is  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois  could  have  forgotten  or  overlooked  it. 
Does  the  gentleman  foi’get  that  the  one  fact  whose  invariable 
truth  has  been  repeatedly  demonstrated  since  God  created  the 
first  man  is  that  human  kind  always  prefers  forbidden  fruit? 
So  long  as  you  tell  the  people  of  the  Philippines  that  they  can 
never  be  independent,  so  long  will  you  be  adding  fuel  to  their 
already  burning  desire  to  be  independent. 

Mr.  Chairman,  perhaps  the  gentleman  fi'om  Illinois,  with  his 
farsightedness,  with  his  statesmanship,  with  his  ability  to  look 
clearly  into  the  dim  and  cloudy  days  of  the  far-distant  future — 
qualities  that  fortune  has  not  given  me — is  right  in  his  exipecta- 
tions  and  his  hope  that  the  day  will  some  time  come  when 
the  Filipino  people,  after  having  been  granted  control  of  their 
domestic  affairs  and  after  having  thus  lived  for  so  many  years 
under  the  American  flag — that  would  then  mean  to  them  the 
sovereignty  of  a strong  and  friendly  nation,  not  the  despotic 
rule  of  a tyrant  master — may  prefer  to  be  permanently  a self- 
governing  colony  of  this  empire  rather  than  a free  and  inde- 
pendent republic  borne  bj'  this  mother  of  republics.  But  should 
that  ever  happen,  it  would  be  only  after  the  preamble  of  this 
bill  had  received  congressional  approbation;  only  after  the  Fili- 
pino people  had  been  told  by  the  American  people  through  its 
constitutional  representative — the  Congress — that  they  may  if 
they  so  desire  be  some  day  an  independent  and  sovereign  nation. 
Then,  and  only  then,  the  Filipino  people,  reassured  as  to  j'our 
good  faith,  convinced  that  whatever  you  may  pledge  yoiu'self 
to  do  is  assured  of  fulfillment  when  once  the  pledge  is  given,  no 
matter  whether  your  selfish  interests  do  or  do  not  dictate  other- 
wise— then,  and  only  then,  may  the  Filipino  people  of  their 
own  free  will  and  spontaneous  volition  decide  that  they  prefer 
to  maintain  a permanent  political  relationship  with  the  United 
States.  And  then,  and  only  then,  can  that  relationship  be  bene- 
ficial to  both  peoples,  a real  protection  to  the  Philippines  and  a 
source  of  strength  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Mann]  cited 
the  present  relations  between  Canada  and  Great  Britain  as  an 
69348— 1429C 


92 


illustration  of  what  would  surely  come  to  pass  were  the  Philip- 
pines to  be  granted  full  autonomy  in  the  administration  of  their 
domestic  affairs  and  were  this  preamble  to  be  defeated.  He 
called  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  the  spectacle  offered  by 
that  self-governing  colony  in  hastening  to  the  aid  of  her  mother 
country  in  the  great  war  now  raging  in  Europe. 

In  the  first  place,  I can  tell  the  gentleman  that  it  is  too  pre- 
mature to  assert  now  that  the  political  ties  between  Canada  and 
Great  Britain  will  never  he  severed.  Who  is  wise  enough  to 
predict  that  when  Canada  shall  have  increased  suinciently  in 
population  and  wealth  she  will  still  prefer  to  he  a colony  rather 
than  a sovereign  nation?  But  whatever  may  be  the  permanence 
or  the  character  of  the  relations  between  England  and  Canada, 
they  would  ofl'er  no  evidence  as  to  what  will  be  the  course  of 
future  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  Philippines. 
Two  very  essential  circumstances  in  the  relationship  between 
England  and  Canada  are  absent  in  the  case  of  the  United  States 
and  the  Philippines.  In  the  former  case  there  exists  a com- 
munity of  race  and  of  origin.  Second,  and  perhaps  more  im- 
portant still,  England  has  never  felt  called  upon  to  violate  the 
pledge  of  her  Government  or  any  of  her  premiers  in  order  to 
proceed  with  her  colonial  policy  toward  Canada.  No  promise 
of  independence  was  ever  made  to  the  Canadian  people,  and 
therefore  the  element  of  international  distrust  has  never  dis- 
turbed the  mind  of  the  Canadian  people.  The  present  connec- 
tion of  Canada  with  England  has  been  the  natural  outgrowth 
of  a political  tie  whose  severance  never  was  thought  of  or  an- 
nounced. 

Mr.  Chairman,  that  is  all  I intend  to  say  in  connection  with 
the  speech  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois.  I believe  I have 
demonstrated  for  his  benefit  and  for  that  of  those  who  think 
with  him  that  the  only  way  to  accomplish  their  purpose,  if  it 
could  ever  be  accomplished,  is  by  voting  for  this  preamble  and 
trusting  to  the  future  the  development  and  determination  of 
the  final  relationship  between  the  United  States  and  the  Philip- 
pines. The  retention  of  this  preamble  does  not  necessarily 
mean  that  you  must  grant  the  Philippines  their  independence, 
since,  without  being  faithless,  you  could  still  retain  your  sov- 
ereignty over  the  islands  should  the  Filipino  people  themselve.s, 
by  common  understanding  with  you,  so  desire,  as  the  gentle- 
man from  Illinois  thinks  they  might  some  day  do.  To  those 
who  assert  that  they  do  not  want  to  retain  the  Philippines  for- 
ever under  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  but  that  they 
would  not  vote  for  this  preamble  now  because  they  do  not 
believe  that  the  day  has  yet  arrived  when  independence  should 
be  grantee!,  I say,  if  they  are  sincere  in  their  protestations, 
they  should  vote  for  this  preamble,  because  its  language  does 
not  grant  independence  now,  but  simply  states  what  they  them- 
selves admit  to  be  their  desire  and  their  purpose.  To  those 
who  believe  in  immediate  independence  I say  that  they  should 
vote  for  this  preamble  because,  while  it  does  not  gi-ant  imme- 
diate independence  to  the  islands,  it  nevertheless  does  promise 
independence,  and  it  is  a long  and  decisive  step  toward  actual 
indcixjndence. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I shall  now  pass  to  another  topic.  Within 
a moment  the  committee  will  vote  upon  the  bill,  and  I wish 
C9348— 1420G 


93 


to  say  fi  word  of  sincere  and  deep-felt  appreciation  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  membership  of  the  committee  on  both 
sides  of  the  House  have  acted  in  the  consideration  of  this 
measure.  I am  personally  obliged  to  them  all  for  the  unfailing 
courtesj'  and  kindly  consideration  with  which  they  have  lis- 
tened to  my  words  and  have  received  my  suggestions.  My 
people'  are  likewise  indebted  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman  and  gen- 
tlemen of  the  committee.  They  owe  you  a debt  of  gratitude 
that  will  last  during  all  the  years  to  come  as  long  as  the 
Filipino  people  live,  because,  no  matter  what  they  do  and  how 
hard  they  try,  they  will  never  be  able  to  discharge  that  im- 
mense obligation.  For,  after  all  is  said,  we  are  only  an  episode 
to  you ; you  have  lived  and  develope<l  into  what  you  are — a 
rich,  enlightened,  powerful  commonwealth — without  us;  nay, 
without  even  knowing  of  u.s.  Those  ties  that  cause  and  explain 
the  existence  of  sympathetic  interest  between  peoples  of  dif- 
ferent nationalities  do  not  bind  you  to  us — the  ties  of  race, 
of  common  origin,  of  kinship.  Whatever  may  be  said  as  to 
whether  we  need  you  or  not — whether  we  need  you  always  or 
temporarily — there  can  be  no  question  that  you  will  be  and 
continue  to  be  what  you  are,  occupying  either  with  or  without 
us  the  same  leading  place  among  the  powers  of  the  woidd  you 
now  do  and  doubtless  advancing  faster  without  us.  The 
salaries  that  a handful  of  American  employees  draw  from  the 
Philippine  Government  are  of  no  concern  to  jmu  as  a Nation. 
What  part  you  may  now  or  in  the  future  take  in  the  develop- 
ment of  our  trade  you  may  as  well,  enjoy  without  resjmnsi- 
bility  for  us.  And  yet,  I have  had  one  more  occasion  to  see 
during  the  debate  of  this  bill  the  true  regard  that  you  feel  for 
the  Filipino  people.  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman ; I have  had  confirma- 
tion during  the  consideration  of  this  bill  for  what  I said  at  the 
opening  of  the  debate.  Referring  to  the  remark  of  the  gentle- 
-man  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Miller]  that  the  Democratic  Party 
had  not  kept  faith  with  me,  I said  that  not  only  had  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  kept  faith  with  me,  but  that  all  parties — yes,  every 
party  in  the  T’nited  States — seem  to  be  trying  to  do  what  they 
can  for  the  Filipino  people. 

^Ir.  Chairman,  the  plane  on  which  the  members  of  the  Re- 
publican side  of  this  House  have  pitched  their  opposition  to 
this  bill  has  been  a high  one.  Save  some  rather*unedifying 
political  maneuvers  of  a kind  that  seems  to  be  unavoidable  in 
every  legislative  body,  and  save  certain  unpleasant  allusions 
to  a past  happily  ended  or  that  never  existed  except  in  the 
imagination  of  a few  people,  the  whole  trend  of  the  debate, 
the  remarks  that  have  been  made  on  both  sides,  the  feeling 
among  the  Members  which  I have  closely  watched,  all  went  to 
show  conclusively  that  those  who  are  for  the  bill  and  those 
who  are  against  the  bill  have  alike  been  prompted  by  the 
honest  belief,  by  the  upright  motive,  that ’their  attitude  wms 
demanded  by  the  best  interests  of  the  Filipino  people  them- 
selves. 

I wish,  therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  offer  the  most  cordial 
thanks  not  only  to  those  who  have  the  credit  for  bringing  for- 
ward this  bill,  but  also  to  those  who  opposed  it  on  so  noble  a 
ground.  I wish  to  thank  Democrats,  Republicans,  and  Progres- 
sives alike.  I wish  to  express  to  the  American  people  my  strong 
69348— 1429G 


94 


gratification  that  through  the  consideration  of  this  measure, 
important  as  it  is  for  the  welfare  of  my  people  and  so  decisive 
for  their  future,  tlie  good  will  of  this  Nation  toward  us  has  been 
once  more  manifested  through  all  its  representatives,  irre- 
spective of  party  politics. 

Mr.  Chairman,  when  I return  home  it  will  be  my  pleasure,  as 
well  as  my  duty,  to  tell  my  people  that  yon  are  really  our  best 
friends — every  one  of  you.  There  is  only  one  difference,  so  far 
as  I have  been  able  to  see,  between  the  Democratic  Party  and  the 
Ilepublican  Party — I say  nothing  of  the  Progressive  Party, 
because  it  has  not  in  its  own  capacity  as  a political  body  had 
opportunity  to  deal  with  us — and  that  difi'erence  is  this,  that 
the  Democratic  Party  in  trying  to  do  by  us  what  it  thinks  is  the 
best  is  more  precisely  in  accord  with  our  wishes,  while  the 
Republican  Party,  in  trying  to  do  by  us  what  it  thinks  is  best, 
is  disregarding  our  wishes.  Since,  in  my  opinion,  every  nation, 
like  every  individual,  knows  better  than  its  neighbors  what 
is  best  for  it,  it  would  seem  that  the  Democratic  Party  is  in 
ail  probability  the  one  that  will  do  precisely  what  is  best  for  us. 

The  Republican  Party  was  in  power  during  the  first  14  years 
following  American  occupation  of  the  Philippines.  During  that 
time  Republican  Congresses  were  able  to  enact,  without  being 
obstructed  by  the  then  existing  minority,  legislation  that  accom- 
plished some  good  things  for  ns.  The  organic  act  which  gave 
us  the  assembly,  and  the  tariff  measures  which  increased  the 
opportunities  of  our  farmers  and  our  merchants,  are  the  two 
most  important  elements,  in  this  legislation.  It  is  proper,  Mr. 
Chairman,  th.at  the  minority  should  now  cooperate  with  the 
majority.  I hope,  therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  minority 
will  find  it  convenient  and  wise,  although  withdrawing  their 
approval  if  they  so  prefer,  to  let  this  measure  pass  unhindered, 
and  also  allow  it  speedily  to  become  a law.  And  should  it 
become  a law  we  shall  write  with  the  fervor  of  gratitude  in  the 
annals  of  our  country  a glorious  page  bearing  the  names  of  the 
Members  of  the  Sixty-third  Congress.  [Applause.] 

693i8— 14290 


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